Plenary

The next item is questions to the Minister for rural affairs and north Wales, and the first question is from Carolyn Thomas.

The UK Animal Welfare (Sentience) Bill has completed its parliamentary journey and is awaiting Royal Assent. The Welsh Government has set out its priorities in 'Our Animal Welfare Plan for Wales 2021-26' and will determine our own direction on sentience, recognising that animals are sentient beings.

Thank you for that answer, Minister. Brexit has left the UK lacking when it comes to legislation to protect animal welfare, and action must be taken as a matter of urgency. RSPCA research has shown that approximately 73 per cent of its inspectors believe that animal cruelty is committed because people do not understand that animals are sentient, with feelings and emotions. With emergency lines receiving over 1 million calls annually, it's clear that greater understanding of animal welfare is needed right across the UK. Would the Minister be willing to work alongside the Minister for education to promote educational programmes aimed at improving people's understanding of animal sentience and how it is relevant to us in our everyday lives, particularly as the introduction of Wales's new curriculum provides an opportunity for teachers to inform students about empathy and compassion? Diolch.

Thank you very much. I certainly share your concern, and the statistics you came forward with are certainly a matter for concern and very worrying. During the previous term of Government, I did meet with the former Minister for Education whilst she was looking at the new curriculum to see if it was possible to perhaps include something in the curriculum in the way you suggest. I also wanted to see if we could do more about responsible pet ownership, because I thought that was very important, with children and young people. As you say, the curriculum will be introduced later this year, and I will certainly ask my officials to follow up on this with the Minister for education to see if there is anything further that can be done.

The RSPCA was just one of many animal welfare organisations that celebrated when the Conservative UK Government's Animal Welfare (Sentience) Bill passed through the House of Lords on 7 April. This legislation will now require all UK Government policy to be scrutinised by a newly formed animal sentience committee. While it is clear that the UK Government is once again leading the way in recognising animal sentience in law, the Welsh Government make no mention of this issue in either their animal welfare plan for Wales nor any other recently published documents. This does raise serious concerns amongst organisations such as RSPCA Cymru, who outlined that, without action, a scrutiny deficit for animals in Wales may develop. Given this, will the Minister commit to following the UK Government in establishing an animal sentience committee to ensure that a scrutiny deficit does not occur and that animals in Wales are afforded the same protection as those in England? Diolch.

I certainly don't just intend to follow what the UK Government are doing or have done. I think you've made a really important point—that it's about actions. I think if you look at the plan that we've brought forward for this term of Government, you will see it's all about actions. It's no good having a strategy and legislation, it's about the implementation of that. You'll see within our plan the things that we will be bringing forward in the next five years. We did follow the Bill very closely, as we always do with any new legislation that comes in from the UK Government, and obviously whilst its provisions didn't apply to Wales, I think animal health and welfare is an area that we've really worked very closely on with the UK Government.

The Welsh Government invests heavily in food processors by providing grant support through the food business investment and rural business investment schemes. We have also provided technical support through Project Helix, and soft support such as engagement in trade events and through our business clusters and networks.

That's excellent news, Minister, because COVID, Brexit and the war in Ukraine have all weakened the security of our food supply lines. Notoriously, Welsh milk had to be poured down the drain during the lockdown because the west London processor refused to come and collect it. And obviously, the rise and rise of petrol prices makes it much more expensive to process food outside our country. You've listed a lot of interesting initiatives; are you able to give any sense of the quantity of food that is now not having to travel across lines as a result of the work of Food Innovation Wales and other people?

You named three immediate challenges that our food and drink sector have had to face, and are continuing to face. Obviously, we're still dealing with the fallout of leaving the European Union, the COVID pandemic is not over, and, obviously, the Ukraine war is also adding another layer of difficulty. I mentioned all of the initiatives that we have. I can't give you the actual quantity of food, but what I will say is I think one of the things that I recognised when I first came into this portfolio was that we needed to build the capacity around food processing, and dairy particularly. I was very pleased in the first week of the Easter recess to visit the new Mona Dairy that will be opening on Anglesey, I think in June, and they told me that if it hadn't been for the £3 million that they received from Welsh Government in a grant, it probably wouldn't have taken place. They've put significant funding in themselves, so it's great to hear those sorts of stories, and see how a small amount of money—£3 million within a budget like my own is a relatively small amount—helps with the processing, because as you say, one thing we don't want to see again is that very—. I think it was very emotive to see that milk being poured away, and I know how much distress it did cause to our farmers.

I thank the Member for Cardiff Central for raising what is an important and timely topic, and I agree that more Welsh food needs to be processed in Wales, particularly given the disruption to supply chains that we've seen in recent years. It is then regrettable that, as Professor Terry Marsden has previously put it, there has been a decline in and hollowing out of the food infrastructures in Wales. For example, the Farmers' Union of Wales recently pointed out that Wales has lost around 90 per cent of its slaughterhouses over the past three decades. Now, back in June 2019, the then Climate Change, Environment and Rural Affairs Committee made a series of recommendations to the Welsh Government about food processing. This included undertaking a mapping exercise to determine the strength of the sector, as well as establishing an industry-led group to consider policy interventions to increase capacity, and to add value to supply chains. Minister, what progress has the Government made in implementing these recommendations to strengthen the food processing sector? Diolch.

Thank you. For me, one of the biggest initiatives is Project HELIX. I don't know if the Member is aware of Project HELIX but, for me, that has been the scheme that has really moved things on in a way that I think is very, very positive for the sector. It provides innovation, it provides technical support for food manufacturing and for our processing businesses, and I know this has been very welcomed. As I said, I've been really keen to try and improve capacity, and I gave one example in the dairy sector, but I've been equally as keen to do it with other parts of the processing sector as well.

So, we have a variety of schemes. You'll be aware we've got three food innovation centres across Wales, one in Llangefni, one in Ceredigion and one here in Cardiff. And again, those three centres have really supported the processing part of the food and drink sector over the past few years, particularly during COVID.

Questions now from party spokespeople. Conservative spokesperson, Samuel Kurtz.

Diolch, Llywydd. Good afternoon, Minister. The total number of Welsh shellfish and general fish vessels landing in Wales has seen a continuous reduction since 2018, a period in which you've presided over the industry and witnessed this decline. To reverse this sad trend, the significance of stakeholder engagement shouldn't be underestimated, especially when it comes to understanding why this industry is facing a downward spiral. The importance of hearing first-hand from industry specialists is well recognised. Therefore, I was concerned to hear that last month's engagement event with industry stakeholders failed to materialise. Given this, Minister, will you give a clear commitment to conduct future meetings with fisheries and aquaculture stakeholders, and can you outline what action the Welsh Government is taking to ensure that this long-standing Welsh industry is protected for future generations?

I did recently meet with stakeholders from both fisheries and aquaculture—I think it was probably the beginning of this year—because I wanted to engage with them about future stakeholder engagement. I think it's really important that we get the architecture right. I know my officials have continued to engage with them. We're looking at what we can do to make the fisheries industry far more robust. Another area I'm really keen on is to bring new entrants into fisheries in a way that we've done with the agriculture sector, and also to try and encourage more women to go, and I was very pleased to speak at the inaugural meeting of Women in Fisheries.FootnoteLink

Thank you, Minister, and I notice that you make no reference to the meeting in March and I would ask that the stakeholder engagement with fisheries and aquaculture stakeholders is continued with some urgency.

But moving on to the Glastir woodland creation scheme, in November of last year, I raised the issue of this, with money being paid to recipients based outside of Wales. Between November 2019 and November 2020, the number of such applicants increased from 3 per cent to 8 per cent, with the total proportion of land involved in these applications rising from 10 per cent to 16 per cent. Well over £1 million leaves Wales to businesses outside of Wales in a move that shows complete disregard for our rural communities.

There have been numerous examples of such businesses buying Welsh land highlighted in the press and here in the Chamber. There's no new agricultural land being created, Minister, and this trend is not sustainable. Therefore, can you provide an update on the current situation surrounding Glastir woodland creation funds and what measures your Government have put in place to safeguard our rural communities, culture and language by reducing the amount of Welsh public money finding its way into the bank accounts of international and multinational companies?

Well, it is a matter of fact that some land in Wales is owned by English landlords. For all Glastir schemes that we have where a payment has been made or committed, of the £251.1 million spent, £4.4 million was made to addresses outside of Wales. So, I don't know if you're trying to create a picture that a significant amount of funding is going out, but that is the fact of what it is. So, that's less than 2 per cent—less than 2 per cent of the money paid out under Glastir schemes goes to beneficiaries with addresses outside of Wales.

Now, do I want farmland now to be sold to people outside of Wales? No, of course I don't. However, I cannot tell farmers who to sell their land to and I don't think that you or your party would want me to do so. I am very concerned about practices that I am hearing about where people are being cold called to sell their land. I think it's fair to say that some of the farms that are being cold called are perhaps in a bit of a vulnerable position and people are playing on that. And we don't want to hear about anybody in a vulnerable position receiving phone calls like that.

So, as I say, I can't tell farmers who to sell their land to. It is also of concern that we are hearing, again, anecdotally mainly—and I have asked for concrete evidence around this—that we've got large companies coming into Wales and buying up land in order to plant trees to offset their carbon emissions. So, officials are working very closely, and I'm working very closely, with the Deputy Minister for Climate Change in relation to that area, but if anybody has any evidence of that practice, I would be very keen to hear about it.

Thank you, Minister. It's not purely anecdotal, there are given clear examples of these businesses, predominantly London-based businesses, buying Welsh agricultural land for green-washing afforestation, which does play into the hands of the need for increasing our food security here. And yesterday, your colleague the First Minister made some interesting comments about the forthcoming agriculture Bill, particularly around its content and your future ambitions for this important industry.

We were pleased on these benches that the further delay to the agriculture Bill is down to you and your team looking at it again, given the horrific conflict in Ukraine and its impact on food security. However, on multiple occasions, you've consistently told these benches that the production of food is not a public good, because, as you've said, food is a marketable commodity, and therefore, by Welsh Government standards, falls outside the remit of this important classification. Can you help me better understand, then, Minister, that if this is the policy of the Welsh Government, to not support something with a marketable value, then why do early suggestions show that the agriculture Bill will see Welsh Government support carbon sequestration despite there being a fast-growing carbon capture market? Doesn't this fly in the face of the 'public money for public goods' mantra of this Labour Government?

I'm glad you thought the First Minister made some interesting comments. I thought your leader actually made some interesting comments. He actually said that I stated in committee that the agriculture Bill would not be introduced before Christmas. I do hope, Llywydd, he takes the opportunity to apologise for misleading the Chamber, because at the time I said I hadn't, and I certainly went back and looked at the Record of my committee appearance, and I said that I couldn't give a time, but it certainly wouldn't be this month, as in April, the month we're in now. So, I do hope the leader of the opposition takes the opportunity to put the record right.

In relation to the further delay, I have asked my officials to look at the challenges that Jenny Rathbone raised. There are a number of challenges that have meant the agricultural Bill isn't as ready as early as I would have liked, and I think the rest of the Welsh Government would have liked. The First Minister spoke about the impact of trade deals. He spoke about the impact of leaving the European Union. And as we know, we've also got the Ukraine war, and the food supply is very important. I've always made it very clear that food cannot be a public good because it has a market. So, if you look at the definition of public goods, they don't have a market. So, the carbon capture that you refer to is a public good. However, what we've done, as we've been developing the Bill—and it's obviously been in process now for probably four and a half, five years—is look at what we can do in relation to sustainable food production. And that theme flows through and has flowed through the consultations. When we had the first consultation, back in, I think it was 2017, 2018, I was really keen to make sure the word 'food' was in it. And if you look at the UK Government's proposals, the word 'food' wasn't in there. We were very, very keen to do that. The sustainable farming scheme, which will obviously go alongside the agriculture Bill, is being developed now. And it is really important that we continue to work with everyone, really, including our farming unions. And they're very keen for me to look at how we can have a carbon calculator, for instance, and a group of—and I'm sure you're aware of this because I know the young farmers are one of the signees to the letter they wrote to me, to look at what we can do. So, work with us on this—I'm very keen to hear your views around the agriculture Bill—we'll be sharing a draft—and I know we're meeting opposition spokespeople next week, and perhaps we can have a further discussion.

Plaid Cymru spokesperson, Mabon ap Gwynfor.

Thank you very much, Llywydd. I want to focus on Sam Kurtz's first question, if I may.

Official figures on the Welsh fleet landings suggest that the Welsh fishing fleet is now at a dangerously low ebb, and if the current trajectory continues, it's in danger of disappearing soon. Overall, Welsh vessel landings have fallen from a high of 11,300 in 2017 to nearly a quarter of that, just over 3,000 last year. That's a huge drop of nearly 75 per cent in the number of Welsh vessel landings. Indeed, when compared to landings of the other nations of the UK, Wales's fleet landings for all species is a tiny fraction of landings in Scotland—a mere 1 per cent of Scottish landings. We're in danger of losing a sector culturally and economically important in rural Wales. So, we need a clear plan in order to ensure a viable future for the industry. Unfortunately, it doesn't look like there is one currently, let alone a co-produced plan with the industry. The Wales marine fisheries advisory group has been under review since the end of 2020. And while, from your answer earlier, we understand that you had an unofficial meeting recently, no formal fisheries stakeholder engagement has taken place since 11 March 2021, over a year ago. Given that the joint fisheries statement and development of fisheries management plans are moving at pace, when do you expect to announce the details of the new enhanced engagement structure in Wales, and when do you expect the first meeting to take place?

Thank you. I quite agree with what you're saying about the Welsh fishing industry, and our concerns about it, and it is so important for our coastal communities. They were two formal meetings I held, actually. Sorry, I didn't answer the question about the March meeting, and I wasn't aware it had been cancelled—I thought officials had met. And those meetings will continue, and I'm due to meet with the stakeholders again—I think it's next month, May. In relation to the Wales marine fisheries advisory group, as you say, I took the opportunity—it was following the end of the tenure of the previous chair, who I think had been in post for about 10 years—to review the group. And I did conclude that we do need to move to a different approach, going forward, and not expect one sole group to undertake all that we did expect of that one group. So, I will be announcing what we're going to do in relation to stakeholder engagement, probably before the end of this term that we're in now, before the summer.

Thank you very much, Minister. I'm sure that response will give hope to some in the sector at least.

As we know, the sector is integral for our food security. As we've noted, it has huge potential. However, like other sectors, it too is suffering the consequences of the multiple crises facing society today. The fishing fleet is having to make fewer trips per week, or have to focus on the near shore as they have to regularly maintain set gear in the hope of enough catch to cover the costs. All ancillaries have also risen in cost dramatically—steel, ropes, nets and bait, for example. Energy costs for storing fish and shellfish is also a significant issue. Direct sales have been affected due to the implications of the rising cost of living, resulting in restaurants cancelling, or at best significantly reducing standing orders. Packaging and transport courier costs are also impacting the sector, as these increased costs cannot be passed on to the consumer without reducing consumer demand further.

The EU is making provisions with an European maritime, fisheries and aquaculture fund programme to support the EU fishing fleet, together with an EU temporary crisis framework that sets out a much broader package of financial support for member states. Northern Ireland is due to make statements on a support package for the Northern Irish fishing fleet soon, and a joint appeal, co-signed by the UK national fishing organisation, has also been made to the UK fisheries Minister.

So, Minister, what support is the Welsh Government providing to the Welsh fishing fleet to ensure it survives this current crisis?

Thank you. Well, you mentioned the marine and fisheries future funding replacement, and the proposals for all four countries are currently under development. Officials have embarked on further engagement with our stakeholders to ensure co-production of the scheme, which will support various commitments that we already have in our new programme for government.

The investment through the EMFAF replacement scheme will contribute to the Welsh national marine plan, the Well-being of Future Generations (Wales) Act 2015, as well as the principles and commitments of the JFS, which you'll be aware of, the joint fisheries statement, and fisheries management plans. The UK spending review and budget allocated £6.2 million over the next three financial years to the Welsh Government for marine and fisheries, and that will enable us to make a very positive change to that sector, working with the stakeholders.

Llywydd, I understand that you've given your permission for questions 3 and 5 to be grouped.

Yes.

The Welsh Government has been working closely with the UK Government departments on the Animal Welfare (Kept Animals) Bill. The Bill intends to introduce a series of measures that will discourage the illegal importation of dogs before they reach Welsh ports, measures that have been designed following close consultation with agencies and stakeholders.

Thank you so much, Minister. The UK Conservative Government is seeking views from the public and industry on plans to safeguard the welfare of imported puppies and dogs. The Dogs Trust points out that, currently, only, and I quote,

'a "document and identity" check on imported pets is required by the rules of PETS, this is conducted by ferry and Eurotunnel staff with no expertise in animal welfare. This does not include a requirement to visualise the imported pet.'

Do you agree, Minister, that legislation must introduce a visual check of all animals entering the country via the pet travel scheme, and that the focus of enforcement for the pet travel legislation must be shifted from carriers to Government agencies, with a requrirement for there to be sufficient out-of-hours and weekend cover at ports by these agencies? Thank you.

I certainly think the UK Government's plan to tackle puppy smuggling doesn't go far enough. I think it will leave the door open for organised criminals to continue to profit from this vile practice. At the moment, as you infer, there's no requirement for ferry or for Eurotunnel staff to see the dogs that are being imported. The Government's got to introduce, I think, visual checks at the border, because I really don't think, without those checks, we'd have any chance of ending this cruel trade.

Minister, unfortunately, the abhorrent act of puppy smuggling is on the increase due to the extremely high prices that dogs can sell for. One of the major issues causing puppy smuggling is that dogs can be purchased via the internet and collected from someone's home, which opens the opportunity for smuggled puppies to be presented to buyers as having been bred in a healthy environment with high standards of welfare, when, in fact, they've been bred on puppy farms, smuggled in appalling conditions, and simply presented to buyers. This is not only extremely traumatic for the animal in question, but there are wider consequences. These smuggled puppies often need considerable veterinary care, which comes at great expense, and in many cases animals have died not long after being purchased or have lifelong health conditions and in many instances psychological and behavioural issues. This has the knock-on effect that some people are unable to afford to keep these animals and they end up in rehoming centres or simply discarded.

In light of the significant suffering of puppies caught up in the illegal import trade and the potential disease risks that they pose, it is clear, as has already been mentioned, that existing importation regulations do not provide adequate protection for dogs. Moreover, there needs to be much tighter control of selling of dogs from unlicensed breeders, particularly using the internet. I am certain there would be cross-party support for any proposals for better and more substantial regulation to help stop both the illegal smuggling of all animals and their sale online. So, Minister, in your professional opinion, what possible amendments could be made to existing legislation, both at a devolved level and a UK Government level, that tackles the selling of animals online, and what discussions have you had with the UK Government regarding this? Thank you.

Thank you. The Member raises a very important point. You'll be aware of legislation I brought in at the tail end of last year to ensure that people really think about where they buy their puppies and kittens from, or any dog, to make sure that they meet with the breeder and they see that the breeder is a legal one. We're working very closely with local authorities around the enforcement of this.

At the moment, my officials are working closely with both the UK Government and the Scottish Government on changes to commercial imports of pet animals, and the aim of that is to deliver it within the new kept animals Bill. One thing we want to see is the minimum age of imported dogs increased—so, to go from 15 weeks to six months. We want to ban the importation of dogs with non-exempted mutilations, prohibit the importation and non-commercial movement of a bitch that is more than 42 days pregnant—provisions that are to be supported by a really robust enforcement system. As I say, we're now in the third year of a three-year programme, working with our local authorities to ensure that enforcement is far more robust, and that does include both civil and criminal sanctions.

Whilst we can make regulations about the buying and selling of dogs, unless there is a paper trail—or more correctly today, an electronic trail—it will always be open to abuse. Does the Minister agree with me that a good first step would be to bring back dog licences and keep a record of dogs, their buyers and their sellers?

You and I are both old enough, Mike, to remember dog licences. I think there are quite a few people in the Chamber who probably don't remember them. I remember, when I first came into post, asking why we wouldn't have dog licences back. But I have been persuaded that there are a lot more things that we can do. There are more important and more worthwhile things to make sure that we have a better system—so, compulsory microchipping, for instance; the border controls that we have on imports, and you've just heard me say in previous answers how we can improve that; regulation on the sales of puppies and kittens that we introduced last year, which I know you were very keen to see brought forward; and those enhancements to strengthen enforcement within our local authorities.

Dog licensing was actually abolished in 1988, and I did think, when I looked back at the system and the briefing I had, it was probably quite unmanageable and it was very expensive. So, I do hope that the range of measures that we have brought in do increase the traceability of dogs and puppies, particularly the ones I outlined.

We acknowledge the issue raised in relation to costs associated with responsible pet ownership for those on low incomes. Officials regularly discuss this issue with our third sector partners, both to monitor the situation and see if more can be done to publicise the support they offer.

Thank you, Minister. Recently, I visited a foodbank in my region that is increasingly receiving requests from individuals and families that they support for pet food. The manager shared with me that many were thinking of getting rid of their pets because they were concerned that they couldn't afford to feed them because of the cost-of-living crisis, and neither would they be able to pay veterinary fees. As anyone who's owned a pet will know, they are often considered by their owners to be an integral part of the family, and, for those living alone, providing comfort and company, which can be invaluable. How will the Welsh Government therefore ensure that the cost-of-living crisis doesn't impact on animal health and well-being? I don't think that enough is being done at the moment.

Well, unfortunately, you do raise a significant area of concern. Through our Animal Welfare Network Wales and Companion Animal Welfare Group Wales, officials continue to have discussions with third sector organisations such as PDSA, the Dogs Trust and Cats Protection, to monitor the current situation. I am aware, obviously, of many vets who also participate in those discussions and do a great deal.

I think that it is really important that we continue to highlight the cost of pets. It is a lifelong commitment for the life of that pet. As you say, they are absolutely members of our families. To be faced with the cost-of-living crisis, I can well imagine that foodbanks are receiving requests in the way that you refer to.

You will be aware of our Paws, Prevent, Protect social media campaign, and that's an area where we also continue to highlight the reminder to people of the lifetime costs associated with owning a pet, particularly puppies. I will refer back again to our animal welfare plan, and I think that the partnership that brought that plan forward is really key to the success of ensuring that we do reiterate to people about the cost, but also about how we can help.

I have regular scheduled meetings with the Minister for Economy to discuss a wide range of economic opportunities across a number of key sectors, including those within the north Wales growth deal.

Thank you, Minister, and I welcome the fact that you have those conversations with the Minister for Economy. I'm sure that you agree with me that it's really important that north Wales does receive its fair share compared to other parts of Wales. But, we do continue to see a divide between north and south Wales, which is sad to see. An example of that is GVA. We see, for example, that Ynys Môn has around half of the GVA per head of down here in Cardiff. We see a health board that unfortunately continues to lag behind, especially in really important areas such as A&E waiting times. We see underinvestment, in my view, in transport. An example of that is the north Wales metro, which is earmarked for £50 million, versus south Wales, which has £750 million earmarked down here. Many people I speak to in north Wales, Minister, do feel that there is a gap between what is invested in south Wales versus what is invested and the opportunities in north Wales. So, Minister, why do people in north Wales feel that there is that gap, and what is the Welsh Government going to do to change that?

So, as a north Wales representative myself, I hear it too. I don't recognise some of the divides that I'm told that are there. However, perception is everything in politics, and certainly there is that perceived divide. But I think that you can prove many times that, indeed, it's not the case. Sometimes, I think it's a bit 'apples and pears'. You're not comparing like for like. What is important, if we go back to the first part of your question, is that north Wales gets its fair share—that all our constituencies in north Wales get their fair share. I think that that is really important. I think one area that we are going to be let down about is the shared prosperity fund. That funding should have come to us, for us to decide as a Government how it is shared across Wales. So, it is really important that we do get our fair share. As the Minister for north Wales, I am constantly ensuring that discussions are going on. I think that, in relation to energy, for instance—and I know that you are very well aware of the Conwy energy plans—that's an area where we absolutely can lead the way, and we will be having the divide the other way.

Minister, you may have seen my article for the Welsh Fabians today about the future of the north Wales economy, and if you haven't, I'm sure that you will read it with interest in due course. But sadly, the article comes at a time when we once again have been let down by the UK Conservative Government. Minister, will you use your role as Minister for North Wales to speak to the UK Tory Ministers and remind them that north Wales does exist, and that when they miss us out for funding—like the shared prosperity fund, like the community renewal fund—it reinforces that message, doesn't it, Minister, that the Tories do not care about north Wales?

Yes, I absolutely agree with Jack Sargeant's analysis of the Tories and their view of north Wales. I haven't had the opportunity to read your article, but I certainly will do so. And I go back to what the First Minister was saying yesterday and the many questions he had around the shared prosperity fund—the UK Government has failed to meet its pledge to fully replace that EU funding, deducting existing EU receipts before allocating money through the SPF. I think it's really important that the UK Government, even at this very late stage, start to engage with us much more if they want us to play our part in helping them ensure that local authorities get their fair share, and I will certainly be very happy to do that.

Diolch. We are closely monitoring the impacts of the war in Ukraine on all the agricultural sectors, particularly the rate of inflation of input costs. The UK agricultural market monitoring group is meeting regularly to assess the position, and I will continue to maintain dialogue with all our stakeholders as the situation develops.

Thank you very much, Minister. Well, as you will know, there is no doubt that this is a very serious and difficult situation for farmers, with prices for products, energy and fuel increasing, and this on top of the cuts to the agriculture budgets from the Conservative Government and the trade deals that are going to be very damaging to the sector. And the disastrous scenes in Ukraine are placing additional pressures on our farmers. We're familiar with the historic status of Ukraine as the bread basket of Europe, with Russia and Ukraine responsible for 30 per cent of global wheat production and some 30 per cent of maize in Britain—two vital ingredients in animal feed. And we heard yesterday that the price of fertiliser has increased around four times to about £1,000 per tonne, and the implications of this on the cost of producing food are very significant, and the reality is that every ounce of food that we can't produce in these nations is likely to come out of the mouths of the poorest people in the world. So, Minister, as farmers face these difficulties, what assessment have you made of the impact of the war on the agricultural sector in mid and west Wales?

Thank you. I don't disagree with anything you say around the very serious situation in relation to the war in Ukraine, and this evening I'm meeting with my counterparts from the UK Government and Scotland to discuss, particularly, fuel prices, because we know that there is a significant increase in those input costs faced by our agricultural producers in recent months, and that's only been exacerbated by the conflict in Ukraine. You mentioned that 30 per cent of wheat comes here from Ukraine; in some of the African countries it's 100 per cent. And the issue I raised with the UK Government was that we're a very globally responsible country here in Wales and we should be thinking about how we can help countries that do have 100 per cent of some ingredients from Ukraine.

We are working very closely to monitor the position. I mentioned the group that does that. That's an internal technical group between the four Governments that advises us as Ministers in relation to these issues, and I'm in regular contact with many of our stakeholders, who certainly tell me that the prices of the commodities you refer to are having a severe impact. I visited a farm in the first week of Easter recess, and the farmer had bought a large load of fertiliser—I think it was two or three weeks before—and he said, 'I don't know whether to sell it or spread it,' because it had gone up so much in cost. So, I think it is an area for concern that is going to have an impact further down the line. But those discussions will continue. As I say, I have a meeting this evening, because I think we need to keep a very close eye on it.

Minister, the war in Ukraine has really highlighted just how fragile the global supply chains are around the world, and, as my colleague the leader of the opposition mentioned yesterday, farmers are facing huge pressures with regard to rising costs of red diesel, fertiliser prices, and feed to actually feed their animals. Minister, this is a huge problem. The first job of any good Government is to feed its population. So, can you assure me, Minister, that food production will be the main key driving factor of your agricultural Bill and the future support for farmers, so that we can weather all the world events that are thrown our way to ensure that we can make sure that the people of Wales are fed? Diolch, Llywydd.

You will have heard me say in an earlier answer to Samuel Kurtz that sustainable food production is absolutely part of the sustainable farming scheme and the agricultural Bill. I am very aware of all the issues that you've raised and I think it's really important that we do work together as different Governments across the UK, because, obviously, food security, food supply, is absolutely integral across the UK. So, as I say, I have a meeting later this evening.

Laura Anne Jones is not here to ask her question 8.

So, question 9, Rhun ap Iorwerth.

Thank you. The seafood industry is an important sector in Ynys Môn. We support the industry in a number of ways, including the introduction of fisheries management legislation, supported attendance at international events and facilitated funding applications.

Thank you very much. The Minister is aware that I've asked for a meeting with her for some time to discuss the need for investment in the seafood sector in Ynys Môn. I'm pleased that, since I tabled this question, a time has been agreed upon so that we can meet, and I look forward to meeting the Minister and her officials. There are numerous opportunities, I am clear on that, to develop this sector. There is great expertise in fish farming on land in Ynys Môn through recirculatory aquaculture systems, and there is huge potential to develop the sector. I want to discuss that. I want to discuss supporting business such as the lobster sellers, The Lobster Pot, to reach new markets, how to put the mussel industry back on its feet after it was destroyed by Brexit. So, does the Minister share that ambition that I have to try and give renewed momentum to the sector in Ynys Môn and in the rest of Wales, and can she give me a pledge that she will make it her own personal business to try and push for that momentum?

Yes, absolutely, and I look forward to hearing your ideas at our meeting. I don't know if you're aware, but Seafood Expo Global is currently taking place out in Barcelona, and I know there is very good representation from Ynys Môn businesses there. In Dubai Expo 2020, which was held earlier this year, again I think there was good representation—certainly good representation from the seafood sector here in Wales. I do think there was one business from Ynys Môn that was represented there. So, it's really good that we continue to support businesses to be able to export, despite all the challenges that are going on, but I'll certainly be very interested to hear any ideas, and my officials will too.

And finally, question 10, Vikki Howells.

Thank you. I laid out my priorities for the food and drink sector in my industry vision. They are to continue supporting a strong, vibrant industry with improving productivity, fair work provision, increasingly adopting industry accreditation and improving sustainability. I also seek strong networks between and within supply chains, adding value to primary production, retail and the service sector.

I thank you, Minister, for that answer, and of course the food and drink sector is incredibly important to the Welsh economy, contributing £17.3 billion in gross sales annually. It's really important, then, that our skills policy aligns with the needs of the sector so that it can thrive and support good quality jobs. So, could you tell us what discussions you've had with colleagues across Government to ensure that this is the case?

Thank you. You're quite right: it's a very important sector and, alongside the gross sales you referred to, it also employs 0.25 million people here in Wales. I have to say, my colleagues in Welsh Government are very supportive; they see the food sector as a priority sector. We have many funded projects: we've got Food Skills Cymru, personal learning accounts that have been funded through our further education colleges to upskill people in all areas of the industry, whether that be business management or leadership or trade negotiations, food technology, health and safety. There's a really good number of case studies on the Food Skills Cymru website, and I'd encourage Members to have a look at that. Apprenticeships, as you know, have also been undergoing a review here in Wales, and I've been very keen to promote as many food sector apprenticeships as possible. I'd like to really see an increase in the number of apprentices that we have in this field.

I think another thing that we need to do is make the sector a bit more attractive. I think it's quite often viewed as unsociable hours, for instance. So, I think businesses really need to look at the shift patterns that they use to encourage more people to go into the sector.

I thank the Minister.

The topical questions are next. I've agreed to one question, to be answered by the Deputy Minister for Social Services, and to be asked by Gareth Davies.

Diolch, Llywydd. And I thank you for accepting this important topical question this afternoon.

Thank you. The additional payment scheme is aligned to our introduction of the real living wage. It demonstrates our commitment to further improving terms and conditions and career structures for registered care workers. Ancillary staff deliver highly valuable roles, but are not registered care workers, and therefore are not in scope for this scheme.

Thank you for that answer, Deputy Minister. I'm pleased to see that the BBC today is reporting your rejection to pass on the £1,000 bonus for care workers onto all care home staff, including those who work as cleaners and in the kitchens. Top-quality care doesn't just depend on our excellent carers. Without a whole host of supporting roles, care will suffer. And it's a team effort—a team that have been through hell and back during this pandemic, and who suffered the strains of the pandemic and staff shortages. Your decision to exclude that bonus from care home kitchen staff, cleaners and caretakers is discriminatory, as if they didn't also go the extra mile during the pandemic. Were there no strict cleaning and hygiene procedures to follow? Did residents suddenly not need to be fed? Did these auxiliary staff just lay down tools and go home? No, they didn't. The staff believe it's unfair. I believe it's unfair, as do all of us on the Welsh Conservative benches. So, Deputy Minister, with that in mind, will you now agree to reconsider and pay all staff working in our care sector this bonus?

Thank you. I thank Gareth Davies for that question, that supplementary question. Schemes in 2020 and 2021 provided payments of £500 and £735 to a wider of range of workers in the social care sector, including those valuable workers that he's mentioned: the cleaners, the cooks, the gardeners—everybody in the care system. These payments were to recognise the extraordinary commitment of staff during the worst periods of the COVID-19 pandemic, and it's absolutely right that the ancillary staff in the care homes rightly received both these payments. And that was in recognition of the danger that they were in and that they did go the extra mile, and I'm really glad we were able to pay them that.

This is completely different, this new additional payment. It's specifically aligned, as I said, to our introduction of the real living wage for social care workers from this month—the real living wage is being introduced this month—and it's to demonstrate our commitment to make further improvements in the terms and conditions of professional social care jobs and to develop an improved career structure, and we continue to work with the social care fair work forum to these ends. We know that the kitchen staff, cleaners, activity co-ordinators, reception staff, they do a hugely valuable job and they ensure the highest quality of care provision. But they do not require the delivery of personal care that requires registration with Social Care Wales. We are trying to build up social care as a profession, and this is linked to the registration.

Thank you to the Deputy Minister for coming before us to give her response. But the truth is that there are several people who've contacted me and others here over the past few weeks to complain and express their concerns that they have been exempted from this bonus. Indeed, they say now that there are two tiers in the workforce in the care homes and that they, as auxiliary workers, feel that they're on the second tier. Now, the truth is—. To provide effective care services, this is the result of a whole-team effort, as we've heard, from the managers, to the care providers, to the care workers, to the cleaners, to the cooks and everyone else who is part of that process of ensuring that our loved ones are cared for. So, it's entirely incorrect that this Government has differentiated between the workforce and demonstrates a lack of respect and appreciation for this cohort who work so hard. I understand your argument that the intention is to ensure that these care workers are recognised and that it becomes a recognised profession so that people want to enter the profession, and that you want to increase the wage level, but that is also true about the auxiliary workforce. They deserve a better wage, they too deserve better working conditions. So, can I urge you once again to reconsider this decision and ensure that everyone who works in the sector receives this bonus payment to show that everyone is valued?

Thank you for that contribution. I want to absolutely assure you that there is no lack of respect for all those ancillary workers in the care homes; we absolutely respect what they do and have acknowledged that by the two previous payments that we have made. But, as I said in response to the previous question, this is aimed specifically at registered social care workers, and those groups of workers don't fit into that category. We are trying to build up social care as a profession; we want to have social care recognised in a way that recognises the hugely important job that they do. And, of course, the other ancillary workers, they do an enormously important job, but they're not required to be registered social care workers. So, this is aimed specifically at them. And I'm glad that the Member understands the logic of what we're trying to say, but I would hate anyone to think that we didn't appreciate the huge contribution made by all the other ancillary workers.

I thank the Deputy Minister.

Item 4 is next—the 90-second statements. This week, there is just one statement, and I call on Delyth Jewell.

Diolch, Dirprwy Lywydd. This week marks Global Intergenerational Week, an opportunity to celebrate the connections we have with people of all ages in our everyday lives. The past couple of years have presented acute challenges for both younger and older people, so it's fitting that the theme around this year's global campaign centres on reconnecting, combatting loneliness and isolation, celebrating intergenerational spaces and, of course, solidarity.

To mark this important week, the Centre for Ageing and Dementia Research is launching a national photography competition, and it's doing that alongside the Senedd's cross-party group on intergenerational solidarity, which it's my pleasure to chair. The competition is inviting entries that celebrate moments of connection across generations. It should be a visual celebration of finding kindred spirits, whether they're five or ninety-five. I'd urge anyone of any age who is interested in taking part to visit the website of the Centre for Ageing and Dementia Research. So, this Global Intergenerational Week, I hope that we can all keep in mind how forging connections, challenging ageism and celebrating solidarity between different age groups is vital for the health and well-being of our communities, but, perhaps most importantly, Dirprwy Lywydd, it's a way of bringing joy to millions of people's lives. So, I wish you all a very happy Global Intergenerational Week.

We move on to item 4—no, item 5, the Welsh Conservatives debate on tourism. I call on Tom Giffard to move the motion.

Diolch yn fawr iawn, Dirprwy Lywydd. I formally open this debate today on tourism in Wales, tabled in the name of my colleague Darren Millar.

Whether it be Porthcawl, Prestatyn, Barry, Llandudno or Tenby, the Welsh Conservatives are the party that truly represents tourism communities here in Wales. Wales has so much to offer for prospective tourists not only from within the UK, but from across the world. And I know that Members across this Chamber and virtually will be only too keen to mention tourism destinations in their local areas in this debate, so I thought I'd take the opportunity to mention some of mine. In my region of South Wales West alone, I can boast the UK's first area of outstanding natural beauty, the Gower peninsula; Neath abbey, which was described as the fairest abbey in all of Wales; and Porthcawl, home to the annual Elvis festival. As you shake, rattle and roll across South Wales West, you simply can't help falling in love with the place, but I wouldn't recommend staying at the heartbreak hotel. [Laughter.]

We all know the importance of the tourism industry to Wales. In 2019, there were 154,000 people in Wales working in tourism-related industries, and, according to the Wales Tourism Alliance, pre COVID, one in every seven jobs in Wales was in tourism or dependent on it. But the tourism industry has had a tough time of it over the last two years. Quite often, it was the businesses that operated in this sector that were the first to close and the last to reopen, with a whole host of other restrictions along the way. And I know that many tourism businesses were grateful for some support packages from the Welsh Government, but in particular, it was the UK Government's furlough scheme that kept many afloat, which means we still have such a vibrant tourism sector in Wales today. But the reason we tabled this debate is because many who operate in the tourism sector don't share that same optimism about the future. Specifically, they're worried about a double whammy of additional burdens that the Welsh Government are planning to place on them.

Firstly, I wanted to talk about the proposals from the Welsh Government to change the occupancy threshold for self-catering accommodation from 70 days of occupancy per year to a massive 182 days. And whilst the Welsh Government is seeking to take action on second homes, it's a blunt instrument that'll end up as a hammer blow to the tourism sector instead. And the key reason for that is the Welsh Government has either been unable or unwilling to make a distinction between second homes and self-catering holiday lets. This means that many normal people across Wales who let out flats, houses and cottages to visitors will be completely unable to meet the new threshold and it will price them out completely of ever being able to afford to offer visitor accommodation to people across Wales and internationally. And that isn't a political argument; that's something that'll impact real tourism operators here in Wales.

The Wales Tourism Alliance has helpfully surveyed some of their members, and here are just some of the things they had to say. One said, 'Over the last 20 years, I've never been able to meet the accommodation for 182 days a year, and that won't change in April 2023.' One holiday-let business in Pembrokeshire said, 'I'm seriously considering selling my property. This will not free up a permanent home for a local person, but potentially take affordable holiday accommodation off the market and thereby reduce tourism income into the local economy.' Another—

Will you take an intervention on that?

Of course.

The point here is, though, that they can't even put their property into the housing market because the planning permissions that were given don't allow for that. So, this is the issue here, where there's an absolute anomaly that needs to be addressed.

No, you're absolutely right, and I think my colleague Mark Isherwood raised that with the Minister earlier, and it's a really important point and I hope the Welsh Government work on that proposal as well, because a lot will see themselves shut out from that.

Well, another operator in Ceredigion said, 'The impact of the 182 rule on my business would mean that I would be unlikely to reach this threshold having reached 22 weeks in 2021, which is a good year, and with 18 weeks booked so far this year, I anticipate maybe a few more weeks, but 26 weeks is unlikely.' On the Llŷn peninsular: 'The building is available 365 days a year, but very few people want to come in the winter, despite us having underfloor heating and wood burners. I consider 2021 to have been a very good year, and in that very good year, I managed to achieve 163 days.'

Someone in Bala, Gwynedd, said, 'We have never achieved this level of occupancy in our five years of trading, with the best year being an average of 152 nights per cottage. The season is short here and winter months are a very hard sell. The failure and closure of our business, and others like us, would be felt far and wide in our rural community. We employ many local trades for maintenance—electricians, plumbers, decorators, gardeners. We spend a small fortune locally each year on cleaning products, spare parts and produce for our welcome baskets.' And these stories go on and on and on.

And just before the Easter recess, I attended a meeting of the cross-party group on tourism, chaired by my colleague Sam Rowlands, and the message to the Welsh Government there was clear too: this is a harebrained scheme that'll only serve to punish tourism businesses, particularly in rural Wales. And I hope the Plaid Cymru Members listen to some of those accounts too. Ceredigion, Llŷn peninsula, Bala, all of those parts of the country are represented by Plaid Senedd Members. People in those industries will notice Plaid's role in that too.

But the sector is not being unreasonable in saying it doesn't want any change. The majority of responses to the Welsh Government's consultation were to raise the occupancy threshold from 70 days to 105 days, in line with Her Majesty's Revenue and Customs's threshold between council tax and business rates. This would amount to a 50 per cent rise and was suggested by members of a professional sector that understands booking trends, marketing and customer behaviour. The sector is willing to meet the Government in the middle here, but the Government is simply unwilling to listen.

The other big threat on the horizon from the Welsh Government is the proposed introduction of a tourism tax. We know that this is a Welsh Government that likes to take its ultra-left-wing policy ideas straight from the middle pages of the Morning Star, but this is quite something else. This proposal is totally regressive and it'll impede the very businesses that we should be supporting to come out of the other side of the last couple of years.

I have selected the amendment to the motion, and I call on the Minister for Finance and Local Government to formally move amendment 1, tabled in the name of Lesley Griffiths.

Formally.

I think we can all agree that there is an issue that needs to be addressed when it comes to tourism, and that is its impact on local communities. The importance of the tourism industry to Wales is undisputed, but we must avoid the type of extractive tourism that uses Wales as a resource. We all share the ambition of seeing Wales as a top-quality sustainable tourism destination, but this development must happen with and not to the communities it most impacts.

The key word here for me is 'sustainable'. The current iteration of the sector is putting a strain on our natural resources, our landscapes and our local infrastructure and services. In 2021, Eryri, the Brecon Beacons and Pembrokeshire national park authorities saw increases in illegal camping, littering and human waste on paths and in car parks. If tourism is not managed correctly, it will cause erosion to our paths, we will see more litter and pollution in our landscapes.

Turning to the motion, first, on the non-domestic rates and occupancy threshold increases, in so many communities in Wales, the purchasing of residential homes to use as second homes or Airbnb-style holiday lets is pricing out local people from their own communities and undermining the Welsh language. We come back to that key word, 'sustainable'. For me, for Wales to be a world-class tourism destination, the culture of our local areas will be key to achieving that, so pricing out our locals, in my view, is counter-productive. Let's be frank here: in some of our rural communities, we are seeing gentrification. There are no two ways about it.

On the increase to occupancy, the decision hasn't been made yet as to increasing the occupancy threshold. The consultation has ended, but no final decision has come, and, as Tom Giffard rightly pointed out, the Wales Tourism Alliance, UKHospitality Cymru and PASC UK have acknowledged that an increase should happen. One of their own recommendations in their consultation response recommends that the Welsh Government increases the threshold from 70 days to 105 days. We're not at the end of the road yet, but we must address the loophole that we in Plaid have been highlighting for some time.

On the tourist levy, this isn't a new idea, as Tom Giffard again rightly pointed out. There are countries across the globe that use a tourism levy, for example, Austria, Belgium, Bhutan, Bulgaria, the Caribbean islands, Croatia, the Czech Republic, France, Germany, Greece, Hungary, Indonesia, Italy, Japan, Malaysia, New Zealand, the Netherlands, Portugal, Slovenia, Spain, Switzerland and the United States. I could go on—

Will you take an intervention?

—but the point is this: the UK is the outlier here. Yes, go on.

Thank you for drawing attention to the list of countries that you mentioned that have introduced a tourism tax. I wonder what you make of Venice now, who have introduced a new tourism tax to dissuade people from coming into Venice, because they know it'll be a deterrent to new visitors.

Thanks for your intervention, Tom, and, again, you are right to point out that Venice is using it to dissuade tourism, but that is the whole point of tax: it's a lever to encourage people to either do something that is going to be positive for the community or to dissuade negative actions. That's the point here about tax, isn't it? We all know that that is the point of a tax.

And, if we're going to use examples, let's use an example of Barcelona. I don't think, actually, there are many people who deny that Barcelona is a world leader when it comes to developing tourism policy. The revenue raised through its tourism levy is reinvested back into the community, improving, by virtue of that investment, the tourist experience. Since the introduction of this tax, the number of hotel guests registered in Barcelona has been steadily increasing.

So, this argument that a levy would be a disaster for Wales even though it works elsewhere leads me to believe that people don't think that Wales can compete with these destinations, that we are somehow sub-par. It's not a mechanism to penalise, but instead it's based on a notion of sustainability and mutual respect between the locality and the visitor. I think it's hard to argue against charging a small amount to visitors that will allow local communities to flourish and be protected, and allow tourists to continue to enjoy everything that Wales has to offer for years to come.

And as a final point that I want to make here, Dirprwy Lywydd, the tourism levy is yet to go to consultation, and any implementation will be a decision for the Senedd itself. In my view, the Tories' opposition to the levy is nothing more than an attempt to deflect from the Chancellor's own failures to support the tourism and hospitality sector. It's not just me saying that; it's businesses in the sector that are also saying this. Let's look at VAT: it was reduced to 12.5 per cent during the pandemic for the hospitality and tourism sector—very welcome indeed. Now, it's shot up to 20 per cent. This is on top of increased national insurance contributions and the exclusion of the use of red diesel for the sector, which in rural areas is widely used. If you want to help the sector, then lobby your Chancellor on these issues because that's what's causing the greatest hurt to the sector right now. That's the greatest threat to the sector right now, not a tourism levy.

The tourism sector in Wales is of significant importance to the Welsh economy and to the people who live and work here in Wales. Tourism plays a huge part in my constituency of Brecon and Radnorshire, from Ystradgynlais to Llanbadarn Fynydd, the town of books in Hay-on-Wye, the Greenman festival. I could go on, because Brecon and Radnor is the tourism hub of Wales.

Too many people in this place see our tourism sector as a cash cow. I take a far more positive view. Yes, there are difficulties facing our country, but taxing our tourism sector is not the answer. Councils across Wales will be potentially implementing an increase in taxes on genuine holiday lets of up to 300 per cent. This will have a huge impact on the local economy and our business owners here in Wales.

I can see why the Government wants to tackle the issue of second home ownership, and I am sympathetic to your aims. Is it right that someone 500 miles away can purchase a house in rural Radnorshire and use it as a holiday let for a few weeks of the year to avoid paying tax, driving locals away from the area and pushing house prices up? I doubt that many would say that this is acceptable. By taxing genuine tourism businesses, some of which face planning restrictions on occupancy, they will be penalised and forced out of business. The tax policy, however well intentioned, will come with unintended consequences for our business community. What we need to do is tackle the large number of empty homes and vacant homes or the lack of house building. These homes should be prioritised for local people to help solve the housing crisis. But what do we see from this Welsh Labour socialist Government? No plan, just a tax plan.

This policy, as well as a tourism tax being planned by the socialists in front of me, is a recipe for disaster: a double whammy of tax on businesses and people who are providing a vital service and giving people who visit Wales a fantastic experience. I know that many across the floor and my new colleagues to the right will say that we need a tourism tax. They compare us to Europe and say that cities such as Amsterdam and Budapest have a tourism tax. So, why don't we have one here in Wales? We hear the First Minister quite regularly saying, 'In Wales, we will do it our way.' So, why do we have to follow everybody else? We can do it differently. Let's not have a tourism tax. Let's have a genuine conversation about the situation.

We simply don't have the numbers of people visiting the vast numbers of our Welsh destinations as many European locations do. We should be encouraging tourism and promoting Wales as a place that people want to come and visit, to grow our economy, providing jobs and opportunities for everyone. A tourism tax puts our economy at risk. This in turn puts jobs at risk at a time when people need jobs more than ever. The people of Wales and the people in Brecon and Radnorshire need a Government that is supportive, that's tackling the housing crisis and supporting our businesses, not using visitors and employees as a scapegoat to fill the coffers of this Government's failings. The Conservatives support our business community, the Conservatives support tourism, and we will oppose any obscene regulations brought in by this coalition of chaos between Labour and Plaid Cymru. We are the party of business and that is why I encourage everybody in this Chamber to support the Conservative motion today.

I welcome this debate and airing of the proposal, so hopefully the correct information will be known, going forward, about what is being proposed and what stage it is at. There have been some attention-grabbing headlines in the press, and it's being used as a political football. One being shared is that the Welsh Government were proposing that tourists would have to pay £15 a night to stay in Wales. Another, that my mother, who lives just across the border, fearfully shared with me, said that Cheshire residents may have to pay to visit Wales in a new tax plan, as though there's going to be a toll on the border as you enter Wales. So, I had to reassure her as well.

When going out to consult, people need to have the correct information. I've tried to reassure people that there will be a public consultation in the autumn, no fee has been set, and it will be up to individual local authorities to raise a tourism levy if they choose to do so. If there is to be a levy, it should be a reasonable amount. Many countries charge a tourist levy of €2, not £15 a night. It would raise much-needed revenue for local authorities to enable councils and national parks to manage and invest in services and infrastructure that make tourism a success, such as keeping beaches and pavements clean, through to maintaining local parks, toilets and footpaths—the critical infrastructure that supports tourism. It should be supported by all those that rely on it.

If the Conservative UK Government had not driven cuts to public services, which had resulted in closure or offloading of public toilets, play areas, libraries and other facilities during austerity, stretched street cleansing services—

Will you take an intervention?

Sure, my new neighbour.

Do you not agree with me that the reason that the Conservative Government had to take prudent measures to get the public finances back in order is because the Welsh Government and the Labour Government at the time left this country in a poor financial state? As the Chief Secretary to the Treasury said, there was no money left.

Actually, I don't. It was the banking crisis at the time and the way that the finances had been handled across the world, and that's how it was dealt with. Austerity went on for far too long. We're not discussing austerity at the moment, but I did want to bring it in because it does impact on public services. I still have the scars of 14 years of being a councillor, 10 years of year upon year of cuts as restructuring had to take place in councils. We went down from six depots to one depot at Flintshire council where I was cabinet member, and we see now how posts have been deleted over the years. We've got vacancies we can't fill now, and services are stretched. These are the service areas that I mentioned, such as street cleaning, footpath officers, and toilets as well. Over the years, they've been offloaded onto town and community councils or closed, basically. But if we'd had the money in place, we could have kept them open. Another one I have to clarify quite often is that council tax covers 25 per cent to 30 per cent of delivery of these services. Very often, people say, 'What does my council tax go to? What do I pay council tax for?' The rest comes from Government and a small proportion comes from income charging. Thank you.

I would like to refer Members to my own stated declarations of interest.

For years, Welsh Labour has undercut and undersold tourism here in Wales. A major sporting nation, with grand national parks, spectacular coastlines, bustling bars and restaurants in our towns and cities, Wales represents a corner of the United Kingdom like no other. But poor policy direction from Welsh Labour will continue to threaten communities in Wales, and, if unchampioned, the people of Wales could face the slowest recovery from the COVID-19 pandemic in the isles. If the past two years have shown anything, it is that the tourism industry and the people who work in these sectors are resilient, and they are themselves committed to building a bigger, better Wales. It has to be said that that's more than what can be said for this sleepy and dreary Welsh Labour Government in Cardiff Bay.

The First Minister and his colleagues have recently been boasting about their commitment to rebuilding the tourism sector. However, as always, actions speak louder than words, and what we are witnessing is an erosive strategy. If the Welsh Government expressed any interest in backing our tourism sector, they would abandon damaging proposals for a tourism tax in Wales. They would acknowledge the majority of responses to its consultation—yes, there's already been a consultation—on a tourism tax, and also opposing the proposed non-domestic rates changes for holiday lets. They need to acknowledge that they've simply failed to lift the industry to levels seen elsewhere across the UK. Perhaps the Minister needs reminding—in fact, I think the Welsh Labour Government needs reminding—that it is lower taxes that attract entrepreneurialism and business investment. This then ensures that the public services that are now so in decline in Wales, as Carolyn has mentioned—. You know, if we have a better private sector, with better business, paying taxes—natural taxes that are already set, not introducing new ones—then there's more money in public services.

You are also pursuing a tourism tax at a time of a return to 20 per cent VAT. All the other countries that have been mentioned, where they have a tourism tax, they do have lower thresholds of VAT. The hospitality industry simply cannot survive all of this. It is an onslaught of epic proportions, and it is a complete misunderstanding of the tourism sector. I have to say, I really like my colleague Luke Fletcher, but his anti-visitor, anti-tourism rhetoric is now actually starting to feed back to businesses in his constituency, and it is now becoming a fact that the industry itself see Plaid Cymru, and sadly now Labour, as being enemies to the tourism industry.

The Welsh tourism industry is largely made up of microbusinesses and small and medium-sized enterprises. The sector is vitally important to rural communities as well as urban economies, enhancing the provision of facilities and amenities, which are accessed by residents and visitors alike. In Wales, 25 per cent of registered businesses are in the visitor economy. They offer significant employment opportunities where alternatives are very limited. Here in Conwy county, tourism is worth £887 million, generated from 9.5 million visitors annually. The impact of COVID has already left its toll on businesses in the Aberconwy area, with losses of revenue ranging from around 60 per cent to 85 per cent.

Janet, you need to finish now, please.

Okay. Deputy Llywydd, if we are to truly propel the Welsh economy and tourism industry, Wales now needs an administration that supports the tourism sector, not one that constantly seeks to drive it into the ground. Diolch.

I do regret, I have to say, when I see Conservative motions before us. This motion demonstrates that that group has no interest in making a constructive contribution, but rather it discusses the potential tax that may be introduced at some point in the future. There's going to be a consultation, there is no certainty, but there we are, we're wasting time discussing something that we don't know what its future will be.

Will you take an intervention?

I won't take an intervention at this point, I do apologise, with all due respect.

I won't take an intervention in this contribution, sorry, Andrew.

I do despair sometimes at the tactics of the Conservative Party. This motion is referencing the potential of a tourism levy, and is nothing more than a distraction from the failings of your own party down the road, the M4, in distant London. The crocodile tears that we see from the Conservatives deceive no-one. Conservatives run the Isle of Wight, and they are proposing a tourism tax for day-trippers. The Tory-run Bath and North East Somerset Council have repeatedly called for a tourist tax for Bath. You complain that it would make Wales more uncompetitive. Well, Bourton-on-the-Water in the Cotswolds introduced a tourism charge last year. By your own logic, this should result in all visitors going to nearby Chipping Norton or Cirencester, but no, Bourton enjoyed a packed Easter again this year.

The principle has already been accepted in any case. Holiday destinations across the UK have varying seasonal charges, for instance in the car parks, with car parking charges more expensive in the visitor season and cheaper in the winter. This is nothing more than a levy on visitors. Why is it that the Conservatives think it's okay for the private sector to practise this policy, but not Government? Entry to York Minster is free to local people, but if I visited, I'd have to pay £12.50. If I wanted to go to one of the historic royal palaces—the Tower of London, for instance—I'd pay £29.90, but it's free for community groups in Kensington and Chelsea, Westminster, Hammersmith and Fulham and Brent. But no, the Members opposite have no complaints at all about varying pricing schemes when the money goes into private bank accounts. What they don't like is the idea of wealth distribution—someone's money going to pay for someone else's healthcare or education, for instance. At least be honest about it.

Then, of course, there's the complaint that a tourism tax would make it hard for the sector during what it is a difficult time. And it is. But that argument by those Members opposite is nothing more than scaremongering. The hospitality sector is suffering right now, and they're suffering because of the tax hikes and the increased costs imposed on them by the heartless Conservative Government in London, led by a proven liar and a charlatan. These businesses are facing an existential threat today. Lifting the price cap on energy prices will mean that this will be the last season for many businesses. One business in my constituency, for instance, was paying £350 a month for electricity back in 2003. Today, they're paying £4,700 a month, based on 17p a unit, and that contract is going to increase to 50p a unit in November. This is going to be impossible for them. That's on your Government.

Will you take an intervention?

No, I won't, sorry. These businesses are crying out for help now—[Interruption.]—and the Tories are turning their back.

Mabon, two seconds. I would like to hear the end of the Member's contribution, so can I have some quiet on the benches opposite, please?

Diolch, Dirprwy Lywydd. I've written to Rishi Sunak and asked him to reverse the damaging cuts. I wonder if you'll join me and write to Rishi Sunak as well and encourage him to reverse these cuts.

The Tories are right that tourism is an important sector, and it does need our support. We need a sustainable sector, one that benefits each community and ensures that the wealth created is retained in those communities. The consultation on a tourism levy will help to this end. The sector will have an opportunity to share their views and ensure that a new policy is designed around the sector's needs in Wales, a tailor-made Welsh policy responding to Welsh needs. Done properly and co-produced by the sector, a tourism levy could and should benefit the sector and benefit our communities. So, ignore the Tories' motion and support the amendment. Thank you.

I feel like I need to take a breather after that. Okay. First, let me begin by saying Wales has a unique landscape, a unique history and a unique culture. For years, especially during the lockdown, and recently over the Easter break, all of us saw visitors arrive in Wales to enjoy our mountains, our countryside and our beaches. Many come to Wales to visit our castles, our historic houses, as well as our gardens and our industrial heritage sites. They come to enjoy our vibrant culture, our arts festivals, music festivals and our eisteddfodau.

The importance of the tourist industry to Wales cannot be overstated. There were 143,500 people in Wales working in tourism-related industries in 2020, down from 154,000 the previous year. One in seven jobs in Wales is in tourism-related industries, and in some parts of Wales it is the mainstay of the economy. It would be wrong to regard tourism as a second-class service. Tourism is a fiercely competitive market requiring skills, talent and enterprise. Prior to the pandemic, it contributed to 6 per cent of all gross value added, over £3 billion to the Welsh economy. Given these figures, the importance of tourism is clear. It should also be clear that, with Wales's tremendous assets, the potential for growing this sector of the economy should be given a high Government priority.

No-one can deny that the tourism sector suffered significantly from the pandemic, from lockdowns, travel restrictions and the forced closure of hotels, hospitality and visitor attractions. The industry does need support and encouragement to maximise its recovery and exploit the enormous potential for growth that still exists. The last thing they need is for the Welsh Government to hinder their recovery by putting barriers in their way. Instead of marketing Wales positively and encouraging more visitors to come to Wales, the Welsh Government is planning to introduce a damaging tourism tax.

There are significant concerns from within the industry regarding the implementation of such a tax, and many questions do remain. These were highlighted by the all-party parliamentary group on hospitality in May 2019. They asked how would a levy be effectively charged in the absence of a comprehensive register of the supply of accommodation. They went on to point out that the day visitors spend significantly less in comparison to overnight visitors and a further cost on hotel rooms could disincentivise taking overnight trips. This would be bad for the hotel industry and could see a significant reduction in consumer spends within cities.

I'd like to hone in on what my colleague Janet Finch-Saunders mentioned when she was making her contribution, that the UK already has one of the highest taxed hotel sectors compared to countries in the EU. Countries in the EU that have a tourist tax have reduced rates of VAT, with Italy and France on 10 per cent, Germany at 7 per cent, Belgium and the Netherlands at 6 per cent. In comparison, VAT on the hotel sector here in the UK is 20 per cent. I would also like—[Interruption.] I would—[Inaudible.]

I call on the Minister for Finance and Local Government, Rebecca Evans.

Diolch. There's absolutely no disagreement that tourism provides an absolutely substantial economic contribution to Wales, with tourism-related expenditure reaching more than £5 billion annually in 2019, pre pandemic, and the Welsh Government of course wants to see a thriving tourism industry and a strong recovery from COVID-19. In recognition of the impact of COVID we've provided unprecedented financial support to the sector. Tourism businesses have been eligible for grants from the £2.6 billion economic resilience fund, which has safeguarded 28,500 jobs across Wales. Many tourism businesses have also benefited from the £108 million cultural recovery fund, supporting cultural events and the individuals working in the sector, and tourism businesses have also benefited from the £730 million that we provided through our retail, leisure and hospitality rates relief schemes. These measures, as well as the non-domestic rates-linked grants and discretionary grants delivered by local authorities, have clearly enabled these sectors to survive.

The tourism industry in Wales is in a strong position to recover and rebuild post pandemic. Over the last five years, Wales has welcomed record numbers of UK visitors. Our tourism industry is mature, it's experienced and it still has the capacity to grow, but it has also told us that growth must serve to sustain, not threaten, the things that matter most. Our ambition is to support sustainable tourism development that addresses the needs of visitors, the industry, the environment and host communities, and that's a fundamental principle underpinning our proposal for a tourism levy.

In February I outlined the policy aims and the timeline for the development of tourism levy proposals. Our proposals present an opportunity for investment into those local communities and the services that make tourism successful, and it's only fair that a contribution is provided from visitors. We're at the start of the discussion on how the levy will be used to maintain and support those areas that we visit and enjoy.

Tourism levies, of course, as we've heard, are very commonplace across the world, with most countries in Europe applying them. They're proportionate by design and they represent a small percentage of the overall bill for consumers. There's little evidence that tourism levies have a negative economic impact. They're used to benefit those local areas and communities that choose to use them. The powers will be discretionary, empowering local authorities to make their own judgments and decide what's best for their communities. Of course, I welcome all views and evidence as we continue to work collaboratively with our partners to help shape these proposals. A major consultation will take place later this year, and that will be an opportunity for all views to be heard and considered. Through this process we'll design a tax that's aligned to our core tax principles, and one that works for communities in Wales.

Will you take an intervention?

Of course.

Minister, I think the issue that I have, certainly from holiday let businesses in my own constituency, is that 180 days is just not sufficient to be able to fill their accommodation, given the fact that holiday lets are very difficult to let during the winter months. And to have 100 per cent occupancy for 182 days just doesn't seem a realistic proposition at all. I really would like a commitment from you today to give an assurance that this will really, properly be examined, because I think this is the big stumbling block. And many tourism businesses in the holiday let sector simply will have to have their properties transferred to business rates. They won't even be able to let them to residents as housing stock, because planning permission doesn't allow it, and the business will completely fold. I'm asking you really passionately, Minister, to really examine this with your officials, because I think there is a real issue here with this particular issue of 182 days.

In response to Mark Isherwood earlier on in questions this afternoon, I did indicate that I'm taking some further advice following those discussions with the Wales Tourism Alliance in respect of the implications relating to planning in particular, and I look forward to receiving some further advice on that shortly. And then in terms of our overall approach, we do want to ensure that we consider businesses—those businesses that are making a substantial contribution to the local economy. And this legislation is aimed at addressing the issues that we do, I think, genuinely recognise in terms of properties across Wales just being underutilised, both in terms of the tourism sector and then not being available to provide housing for local people within these communities—being priced out, as in the contribution that we heard from the Plaid Cymru benches earlier on this afternoon.

We're also trying to extend the period of the tourism year in Wales. So, colleagues will be familiar with the 'This is Wales' tourism promotion work that we're doing, but we've also recently done 'This is Winter', which promotes the offers that we have here in Wales right throughout the winter season so that we can try to get Wales on the map for people as somewhere that you would visit not just in the summer months but that you can visit all year through. And we're also doing work to make sure that when international visitors, as they start to come back to the UK, are searching for holidays on the internet, looking for places to go in the UK, that Wales pops up as one of the first things that they see as a result of their searches on the internet as well. So, we're looking at a number of ways in which to promote Wales and Welsh tourism businesses and, as such, the tourism sector and the holiday let sector as part of that work. But, yes, we will be further considering the responses, now that we get to the technical consultation, as I described, and looking very carefully at the further evidence that the Wales Tourism Alliance did provide for us in terms of the consultation that it did with its members.

Just to conclude, then, Deputy Presiding Officer, as part of the agreement that we have with Plaid Cymru, we are taking this immediate action to address the impact of second homes and unaffordable housing in communities across Wales, using a number of approaches. So, we're using the planning system, looking at property systems and taxation systems, and recognising of course that these are complex issues that do require that multifaceted and integrated response. Changes to local taxation alone clearly will not provide the whole solution, and that's why we are developing that wider package of interventions, and I would ask colleagues to vote for the Government amendment today. Diolch.

I call on Sam Rowlands to reply to the debate.

Thank you, Deputy Presiding Officer. I'd like to thank all Members from across the Chamber this afternoon who have contributed today. It's been a really important and, at times, a very impassioned debate about a really important sector here in Wales. In closing today's debate, I'd like to focus on three issues that I think have been brought to the fore amongst us, and first is the importance of tourism in Wales, as eloquently outlined by Tom Giffard in opening today's debate. As we know, Wales welcomes around 100 million visits every single year. These are people coming to our great nation, spending their money, supporting local jobs and enjoying our spectacular attractions. I was a little bit disappointed, actually, by Members not name dropping even more areas of outstanding natural beauty or attractions, but a few were mentioned today, and we do have already designated five areas of outstanding natural beauty, as well as, of course, the national parks across Wales and fantastic attractions. Three of those areas of outstanding natural beauty, of course, are in north Wales, some may argue that being the most attractive part of Wales, but I dare not mention that just now. Point 1 of our motion states we celebrate

'Wales's strength as a world-class tourist destination.'

I was amazed, actually, that Welsh Government chose to delete that part of our motion. Of all the parts of our motion, surely celebrating Wales as a world-class tourism destination, surely that's fairly harmless. I was disappointed that the Welsh Government decided to do that. That was the first thing. [Interruption.] Sorry, do you want to make—?

Will you take an intervention?

Certainly.

Thank you for taking an intervention. Absolutely—I think we all in this Chamber want to celebrate what we have to offer in terms of tourism. The difference here is between celebration, making the most of, and exploitation, and I actually welcome the dividing lines that have been made clear today. Conservatives, in everything you have said, seem to be very keen to see tourism as something to exploit Wales. My party is keen to support our communities in which tourism happens, and support tourism businesses that want to be profitable and sustainable. And I would invite the Member to reflect on some of the comments today that seem to be very, very indifferent to those communities that are very heavily affected by the tourism that happens in Wales.

I think the Member is perhaps confusing our support for business and local economies and the impact that has on communities. So many tourism businesses support those very communities that you care about and we care about with equal passion.

The second point that I think was raised and outlined by Natasha Asghar in particular was the impact that COVID-19 had on our tourism sector here in Wales—lockdowns and restrictions saw a number of businesses shut down, while others struggled to stay afloat—and recognising the support those businesses received from the UK Government but also from Welsh Government in their outreach during that time, very difficult for those businesses.

Many Members, of course, were quite passionate about the ideas around the tourism tax, mentioned by Janet Finch-Saunders over Zoom there. James Evans, in particular, had very strong views that it's not a good idea for this sector here in Wales. As Members outlined, leading figures from across the tourism sector are unanimous in their thoughts that they do not support this tax being introduced. And outlined also by Natasha Asghar was, actually, already those businesses are paying above and beyond taxation through VAT compared to other countries. So, a further tax again is perhaps something that may not be helpful at this time.

Janet Finch-Saunders referred to the number of people who are working in tourism-related industries—143,500 people here in Wales. Those very communities that Rhun ap Iorwerth is talking about, those very people in those communities, have been sustained by those jobs. And then, of course, also Tom Giffard brought in, in terms of a tourism tax, that, in some parts of the world, actually, it's being used to reduce tourism. Now, sustainable tourism, we all would agree that that is needed and important for us, but sustainable tourism does not mean fewer visitors or fewer tourists. It doesn't mean fewer businesses. It actually means doing it in a way that includes our communities, and also ensures we have a great experience for our tourists to visit time and time again. I was pleased, of course, that even Mabon ap Gwynfor was able to say how important the sector is to the economy here in Wales.

I think the final point, Deputy Presiding Officer, that of course was discussed at great length, and rightfully so, is the proposed changes from Welsh Government on the non-domestic rating system and the impact that this will have on many holiday letting businesses. Russell George's interventions were particularly passionate on this issue—on an important day for Russell George, actually, today, I believe. But it is a very serious issue that certainly needs to be addressed.

The criteria for self-catering accommodation being liable for business rates moving up to 182 days—so many existing businesses are saying that they will not be able to achieve that. It's perhaps a technical issue, but a very important issue, about so many of those businesses then folding, and those properties not being able to be used for anything else and then lying there empty. It seems like something that a Government—. I appreciate the Minister's comments in terms of reflecting on that issue.

The proposal is to agree the motion without amendment. Does any Member object? [Objection.] There is objection. Therefore, I will defer voting on the motion until voting time.

Item 6 is the Plaid Cymru debate on the cost-of-living crisis and housing, and I call on Mabon ap Gwynfor to move the motion.

Thank you very much, Deputy Presiding Officer. I want to put on the record my declaration of interest, which is on the public record. May I also say that I note that it's the Deputy Minister responding today, and that we all on this side of the house extend our sympathies to the Minister at a difficult time for her and her family?

I wish to formally move the motion.

Let's begin with a fact, something that we all know. We're in the midst of both a housing crisis and one of the worst cost-of-living crises in living memory. These crises that we face are interlinked. The housing crisis—or rather, many of the most pervasive problems rooted in housing—is driving the cost-of-living crisis, and, in turn, the cost-of-living crisis is exacerbating the housing crisis.

The local housing allowance is used to determine the maximum amount of support that a person receiving housing benefit or the housing element of universal credit is entitled to receive towards their rental costs in the private rental sector. It should provide security that the rent can be paid. As pointed out by the Bevan Foundation, one factor that has played a significant role in the emergence of today's housing crisis, and, in turn, the cost-of-living crisis that we now face, is reforms made to the local housing allowance, the LHA. It's designed to allow a tenant to rent a property in the cheapest 30 per cent of a market area. But the reforms made to the LHA mean that the amount of money that a low-income household receives through housing benefit or the housing element of universal credit is often less than their rent, meaning that they have to somehow make up the difference.

Single people under 35 with no dependants are particularly affected by these challenges, due to the fact that the LHA rate is set at the shared accommodation rate, meaning that financial support available to them via the social security system is limited. The result is that 68 per cent of households threatened with homelessness in 2019 were single-person households. This ultimately highlights the vulnerability of younger people to homelessness, partly as a result of the issues surrounding the LHA. Evidence demonstrates that a gap has developed between LHA and rents. Even the Department for Work and Pensions' own figures indicate that the LHA rate is lower than the rents of 67 per cent of renters that are in receipt of universal credit in Wales and are entitled to the housing element.

Research from the Bevan Foundation shows that, by the autumn of last year and across the 10 local authorities they looked at, only 3.8 per cent of all properties on the market were advertised at rates that were at or below LHA. The situation was more acute for those in shared accommodation, with worse effects for single people under 35 with no dependants. Furthermore, not a single shared accommodation property was found to be advertised at LHA rates in three out of 10 local authorities, while in six out of 10 local authorities the gap between LHA and rents exceeded £100 a month. The LHA freeze that occurred between 2016 and 2020 is the most high-profile reason for the gap between LHA and rents. Both the Office for National Statistics and local authority officers agree that rents rose in Wales during 2021, as they continue to do in 2022. Despite evident increases in rent, the LHA has been frozen at 2020-21 levels, widening the gap further and putting more people out of pocket.

We should also consider the issue of discretionary housing payments, DHPs. Authorities have tried to respond to problems mentioned by taking measures to incentivise landlords to rent at LHA rents, and DHPs have been used for this purpose. Despite their intended use being a short-term support measure to cover rent shortfalls, deposits and rent arrears, discretionary housing payments have been used by local authorities over longer periods to respond to the LHA rent gap. DHP assistance varies across local authorities, with some significantly underspending. And due to its nature as a short-term measure, it's not secure in the long term, but we would encourage local authorities to use these payments, so that those in need have some form of assistance in the short term at least.

Our motion also refers to youth homelessness. As we've already alluded to, younger people, or rather those under 35, face unique challenges when it comes to LHA, due to the LHA rate being set at the shared accommodation rate. Younger people, who tend to have fewer financial resources, are also closed out of good quality affordable rental accommodation, due to the practices of landlords, such as financial requirements. Young people experience homelessness, and the risk thereof, in unique ways, and we need to treat youth homelessness differently.

Research shows that 48 per cent of homeless people in Wales first became homeless before the age of 21. Further, 73 per cent had been homeless more than once, showing that, if you become homeless once, it's likely to reoccur. This shows that to end adult homelessness it's necessary to intervene early and prevent young people from becoming homeless. The causes and impacts on young people of homelessness differ from the experiences of adults in some key areas. Young people experiencing homelessness are at a key developmental period, socially, psychologically and physiologically. Additionally, at the point of crisis, young people are without experience of independent living and the resilience of adulthood.

I have selected the three amendments to the motion and I call on Janet Finch-Saunders to move amendments 1, 2 and 3, tabled in the name of Darren Millar.

Thank you, Deputy Presiding Officer, and I'm very pleased to be moving those amendments. I also refer Members to my own declaration of interest in terms of property ownership.

I'm indeed actually very grateful for the opportunity to discuss within our Senedd the cost-of-living crisis, which is affecting residents in each one of our constituencies. Already, the UK Government is, for example, cutting fuel duty, raising national insurance thresholds and delivering a £9.1 billion energy bill rebate package.

You're now asking for consideration to be given to reforming the local housing allowance. Whilst I would like to hear further details of the proposed reform, I do know that the National Residential Landlords Association wants to see further positive action by the UK Government, such as a replication of the decision in 2021 to unfreeze the housing cost support element of universal credit, and I have to say that I am becoming quite concerned by the numbers of people who are not receiving enough money to cover their rent. To me, it's a fundamental basic right. So, I will certainly be writing to the UK Government to ask it to look at this, because it does concern me that there is a gap between the local housing allowance payment and the average mean monthly rent of almost £92. However, it is a fact that how much an individual receives in housing benefit is dependent on a number of factors, including the lower figure of eligible rent, or LHA rate, household income, including benefits, pensions and savings over £6,000, and circumstances such as age or whether there is a disability.

I'm sure that every single one of us as Senedd Members want people to be in decent homes where they can then pursue the jobs that they love and save—actually be able to save one day—for a home that they might want to call their own. So, I do hope that Members will agree with the Rt Hon Michael Gove MP's suggestion that boosting social rented property is a key way into home ownership, as renters will be able to save more to buy a home of their own. And who are we to say that people don't, or shouldn't, deserve a home of their own?

The Welsh Conservatives have been clear that we should have an ambitious target to build 100,000 homes over the next 10 years, whilst ensuring enough affordable housing in our local communities, including 40,000 social homes. At a time when only 4,616 new dwellings were completed in 2021, when the figure should have been 12,000, it's basically fact that there isn't a drive forward of new housing projects.

In fact, what we are now seeing as a result of this co-operation agreement with Plaid Cymru is one that does the complete opposite to making homes affordable for local people on low incomes. A recent English Private Landlord Survey shows that 70 per cent of landlords keep rents the same rather than increasing them when extending or renewing a tenancy agreement. So, tenants should be aware that what Plaid Cymru and Welsh Labour are calling for is a Welsh Government-sanctioned rent increase. In fact, tenants watching this today should be aware that the Plaid Cymru and Welsh Labour intention could actually see you in poorer quality housing, because the OECD has found a correlation between countries with the strictest rent controls having a poorer quality. The message is clear: we should support tenants by not forcing landlords to increase rents, and by seeing Wales deliver more social housing and market stock.

Janet, you need to conclude now, please.

—and ambitious milestones. The people of Wales deserve decent homes, and I applaud the many builders and landlords for delivering exactly that. Diolch.

Can I thank Plaid Cymru for tabling this debate? I'm also pleased that I am no longer a lone voice raising housing concerns—we're talking about it more and more. Can I just say something in response to what Janet Finch-Saunders said? And I'm quite happy to be interrupted if what I say is wrong. I would say, unequivocally, that no-one wants landlords to increase rents. No-one wants that to happen.

The major post-war solution to the housing crisis was to build council houses. It worked. I believe that this is still the best long-term solution. It, however, took 25 years post second world war to reach close to housing equilibrium. So, the mass building of council housing is not a quick fix. It's, however, the only long-term fix that will work, with the housing built being low energy, thus reducing the cost to the people living in those houses of energy costs, and helping to solve the other problem we've got, which is climate change. It's a win-win-win situation.

I am, however, currently concerned that over 70 per cent of private rented households in Wales relying on universal credit to pay their rent have a shortfall between the amount they receive and the rent they pay. With local housing allowance having been frozen in cash terms since April last year, this proportion with a funding shortfall is set to increase still further, despite private rents in Wales increasing by much less than inflation. Private landlords aren't pushing up the rents, but what is happening is that local housing allowance is getting nowhere near meeting what is needed.

Given the cost-of-living crisis, it's illogical and cruel to have a housing benefits system that fails to reflect the realities of private rents. UK Government needs urgently to unfreeze the local housing allowance and peg it to average rents in any given area. Without this, an increasing number of renters are going to struggle to pay their rent, eat and heat their homes—something is going to give. And if you go and see the queues in foodbanks, you can see one of the things that is giving.

Many people, mainly working families, through no fault of their own, face a serious financial squeeze. There is no justification for continuing to fail to provide housing benefit support that provides the security of knowing that those relying on it can cover their rents. All it is doing is exacerbating the already serious cost-of-living crisis faced by many tenants across the country. Importantly, there is little evidence to suggest that increasing the local housing allowance would artificially inflate rents. As Ruth Ehrlich, policy manager at Shelter noted:

'We have not found any significant relationship between the proportion of people claiming LHA in a given area and rent inflation.'

Thank you, Mike. I agree with all the points that you've said, and this is certainly not the society that we want. Do you agree with me that it's time, next Thursday, to send a message to the UK Conservative Government and vote Labour?

I always say that, Jack Sargeant.

It should be noted that this is all happening even though private rents across the UK have increased by far less over the last year than all measures of inflation. Can I agree with one thing of the Conservatives? There are too many empty properties. Having spent most of the last three weeks canvassing and delivering leaflets, it's sad to see so many properties just left empty, often in areas that people want to live in. Empty properties are a wasted resource, so I would like to see any property being left empty for more than five years being able to be compulsorily purchased by the local authority and if in need of renovation, being renovated by the local authority.

And finally, I want to raise the benefit of establishing a Welsh housing survey and improve data relating to the Welsh private rented sector, so that we know exactly what the standard and quality of housing is.

Sioned Williams. No, Sioned, hang on a second, you're not unmuted yet. Okay, now you are.

Okay?

Yes.

Diolch. As we've heard from Mabon ap Gwynfor, the cost-of-living crisis currently hitting all our communities is directly interlinked with the severe housing crisis in Wales, with devastating consequences for our young people especially. And from the conversations we've all been having, out knocking doors over the past week and through our case work, I'm sure that you have found, like I have, that one of the main ways that people have been experiencing the impact of the cost-of-living crisis is through the huge hikes in their energy bills and the consequences of not being able to afford to pay those bills.

The worrying conversations on the doorstep and anxious e-mails from constituents are mirrored by the evidence from those agencies that are trying to help. In March, for example, Citizens Advice helped more people with fuel debt issues than during any single month for the last five years. Record inflation is also pushing up everyday costs. Just this week, food price inflation hit its highest rate for 11 years.

The limited action able to be taken by Welsh Government to mitigate the impact on household budgets and debt is welcome, but even after taking into account the help available, a single person on benefits will still be spending a quarter of their standard allowance, the basic rate of universal credit, on energy bills. Looking ahead to October, a single person on benefits could end up spending between 39 per cent and 47 per cent of their standard allowance on energy bills. The definition of fuel poverty is spending more than 10 per cent of your income on energy. So, we know that the tough times are already here and facing too many households in Wales, and they're going to get even tougher. The situation in Ukraine, the actions of Putin and the inaction of the Westminster Government to target help where it's most needed is making a bad situation worse. And with rents and house prices rising, people are having to choose between moving into properties where rents are unsustainably high, moving into low-cost, low-quality properties or face homelessness, and we know that homelessness disproportionately affects certain groups in our society, further compounding the inequalities they face.

LGBTQ+ young people, for example, are disproportionately over-represented in the wider homelessness population, more likely to leave stable accommodation to escape emotional, mental or sexual abuse and are at greater risk of harm when homeless than non-LGBTQ+ young people. Despite this, they are underserved by support services designed to respond to their specific needs. According to Stonewall Cymru, LGBTQ+ people often have poor experiences of housing services, including staff making assumptions about their sexual orientation or gender identity or not having sufficient information about the housing issues they might face.

I'd like to thank Plaid Cymru for putting forward this important debate in advance of the veritable tsunami that will hit us this winter as a result of the Tory cost-of-living crisis—the cost-of-living crisis devised and delivered by the UK Tory Government. I agree with everything that Mike Hedges says. We need to do something urgently to tackle the actual cost of living in a home—not just the rent, but also the heating, which I'm sure we'll come back and debate another day.

I'd like to just focus on this whole business of the local housing allowance, because I think that although the rate is set at the lowest 30 per cent of properties being what is supposed to be affordable, what in reality is the case is that it's actually less that 4 per cent of properties are affordable—4 per cent. Just imagine it in wherever your constituency is. If only 4 per cent of the properties are available to something like 25 to 35 per cent of the people who live there, there's clearly a massive problem. And it's very well highlighted by the Welsh Government page on the local housing allowance. The frequently asked question states that if your rent is higher than the local housing allowance rate, then you will have to pay the difference, and if you cannot afford to pay, you will need to find accommodation within the allowance rate. Good idea, but there isn't that rate there.

Cardiff has the highest rent levels by a million miles in the whole of Wales, and that is not unrelated to the fact that it is my constituency that has the highest number of students across the UK. Obviously, the existence of this student housing market encourages landlords to ratchet up the rents for students, knowing that (a) they're not eligible for the local housing allowance, but (b) they're having to acquire so much debt anyway by virtue of going to university, that they are encouraged to just take the hit. I almost never get students coming to complain about the deplorable quality of the housing that these landlords are charging really eye-watering sums for.

Just to go back to the ordinary families who aren't students but who are having to scurry around, looking for that 4 per cent of properties that are available and affordable, a constituent of mine I've been dealing with in the last week or two—going back to what Janet Finch-Saunders had to say—thought they had a home of their own. They'd been living there for the last nine years, this family of five. It's abysmally maintained by the landlord, but they had been doing the work themselves in order to avoid either being evicted because they've asked for the repairs to be done, or their family having some sort of accident as a result of the level of disrepair.

They're in a very cheap property at the moment by Cardiff standards—a three-bed property for £850. But that still means they're having to put over £75 a month of their own money, from this one person's low wage, into subsidising the housing, and that is money that they're supposed to be using for food and housing costs and other costs. This family that have been living nine years in this property are now going to be homeless any minute now, because the court order to evict them has already been allowed. They could be sent absolutely anywhere in Cardiff, and meanwhile, one of the children is in year 6 in primary school, and she faces either several miles to get to school or having to move at this late stage in her school career. This is completely devastating, and this is one of the primary reasons why private rented housing is not suitable for people with children, because it gives you none of the security that you need in order to ensure that your children can continue to go to the same school.

Jenny, you need to conclude now, please.

This is truly devastating. Just to respond to Janet Finch-Saunders, if 60 per cent of landlords are pegging their rents to last year's rates, that means 40 per cent of them are not, and that is what is causing an absolute wave of evictions in my constituency. Goodness knows what is going to happen in the winter.

My Plaid Cymru colleagues have set out the risks and outcomes of a failing housing support system. Another factor at play when it comes to housing support and homelessness is the housing market and supply. When it comes to the housing market, renters are truly at the bottom of the pile, and therefore their homelessness risk increases. Prospective renters are continually required to jump through more and more hoops, completely at odds with the premise of the right to a home. A significant amount of often prohibitive requirements are put in place by landlords before they allow a prospective tenant to rent their property, such as deposits and guarantors, minimum income requirements, extensive credit checks, references and rent upfront. These requirements act as a barrier to many low-income renters, which, in turn, lowers the pool of available housing. A third of surveyed properties had such requirements. When you take the 3.8 per cent covered by the local housing authority and add these requirements, only about 2.1 per cent of properties are covered by local housing authorities with excessive requirements. That's one in 50 properties you can access as a low-income tenant.

Beyond the problems faced by renters are those that exist in houses in multiple occupation. Issues surrounding housing provision can exacerbate personal challenges for anyone, but first-hand testimony and corroborating research highlight that HMOs house a disproportionate number of people with multiple and complex needs. Many tenants highlight mental health challenges at the centre of their needs, either compounded or caused by adverse life experiences. They are more likely to have negative housing experiences, confusion over payments, debt to landlords, and safety concerns related to criminal activity within HMOs chief among them. HMO landlords and owners demonstrate very little duty of care in relation to tenants' welfare. Where support is available, it often comes from informal networks or voluntary sector organisations.

It has long been recognised that residential environments are a key determinant of well-being, with literature from a broad range of disciplines evidencing a link between housing and health outcomes. Furthermore, because of the punitive pre-tenancy checks conducted by landlords, it is highly probable that this worsens an already prevalent issue, which is the under-reporting of mental ill health. Time to Change Wales in 2016 found that one in 10 people surveyed believed that individuals with mental health problems are less trustworthy than people without such issues. A 2010 poll by YouGov, also commissioned by Time to Change, found that 66 per cent of people surveyed in Wales would not rent a room in a shared flat to someone with a mental health condition. It seems to me that we need to develop narratives of understanding and compassion to challenge the culture of stigmatisation. There are some real structural issues to overcome. This type of accommodation cannot be a lasting solution to the lack of housing supply, but it is an obvious consequence. There is opportunism and profiteering, but, ultimately, it is the conditions created largely by Government policy that have created a climate for this to thrive.

Thank you to Plaid Cymru for bringing this debate to the Chamber today. Insecurity around housing continues to be a key issue facing residents across Wales, as we've heard, and especially across Bridgend and Porthcawl, my own community. This has undoubtedly been exacerbated by the Conservative UK Government cost-of-living crisis.

The report by End Youth Homelessness Cymru states that a secure and safe home is everything to a child, and I agree that we must not underestimate the impacts that housing insecurity can create on the future of children in our communities. This is certainly the case in my community. In Bridgend, we have the Wallich, an organisation that partners with Bridgend County Borough Council to assist with homelessness in our community. In their report, the Wallich quotes Aaron who is 18, who said,

'It’s hard to get to where you want to be in life when living in a hostel, but I’d rather be [in a hostel] than on the streets'.

And Lacey said all she wants is a place to call a safe and happy home. Furthermore, the reports by End Youth Homelessness Cymru showed that contributing factors of homelessness came from discrimination against people from ethnic minority communities and LGBTQ+ people, disadvantages of the systems faced by asylum seekers and refugees, and those with care-experienced backgrounds, with over a third of care leavers facing homelessness in the first two years after leaving care. This is unacceptable. We need a system and a society that allows all young people the choice to set their path regardless of their background. Poverty in housing should never be a barrier. That is why I fully support the Welsh Government's young person's guarantee for all those under 25 to be offered a job, education, an apprenticeship or support for starting a business. I'm also optimistic to see how the universal basic income pilot for all care leavers will help to empower, and I am pleased that a pilot for this is being looked at in Bridgend. However, I want to stress that young people who take part will need comprehensive and consistent support to be able to navigate change and opportunity in their lives.

There is a lot of invaluable work taking place across Wales. This is reflected both in the Welsh Government's commitments and the work being done on the ground in our communities. Our very own local charity in Bridgend, the Bridge mentoring scheme, and their community centre, the Zone, in the town centre, is very much a lifeline for so many people and young people on the cusp of homelessness. To have somewhere to turn to and be offered a cup of tea or given advice and signposting is crucial for some of the most vulnerable in our community. Without the Bridge, for many there may be no other place to turn to.

I call on the Deputy Minister for Climate Change, Lee Waters.

Diolch yn fawr iawn, Dirprwy Lywydd. Can I start by thanking Mabon ap Gwynfor for his comments about the Minister's family situation, which I'll pass on to her?

Ending homelessness remains a key priority in Wales and is reflected in our programme for government and in the co-operation agreement. The emergency homelessness response throughout the pandemic, and continuing today, has been phenomenal, as Sioned Williams rightly recognised. But we've been clear that we mustn't slip backwards, and there will be no going back, Dirprwy Lywydd. We are committed to ending all forms of homelessness, and this is reflected in our all-age ending homelessness action plan published last November. That sets out how we will achieve our long-term ambition and has at its core the radical shift needed to end homelessness in Wales. Underpinning this is our ambitious target to deliver 20,000 new low-carbon homes for rent in the social sector in this Senedd term.

Our commitment is demonstrated in the investment we're making: over £197 million in housing support and homelessness prevention services in the final budget this year and a record £310 million in social housing. But we don't underestimate the scale of this challenge, and that's why we're working cross-Government to use all the levers we have in Wales to deliver for those most in need. The Minister for Social Justice has already spoken about the range of measures that we've implemented as a Government to help tackle the cost-of-living crisis. The recently announced £380 million package includes a £150 cost-of-living payment for all households in properties in council tax bands A to D and to all households receiving support from the council tax reduction scheme in all council tax bands. The package also includes a winter fuel support scheme that provided a £200 payment for eligible households to help meet the cost of essential bills over the winter. This is tangible help, money in people's pockets that will help them with their day-to-day expenses.

But the powers and the fiscal resources needed to help people with the spiralling cost of energy bills and increasing housing costs lie mainly with the UK Government, and our calls on them to take the action they need to take are sadly falling on deaf ears. The Minister for Climate Change and the Minister for Social Justice have recently written to the UK Government calling on them once again to take urgent steps to relieve householders of the energy and broader cost-of-living crisis causing such distress and concern to Welsh citizens. The Office for National Statistics data indicate that rents increased, on average, by 1.6 per cent in past year. Rents for new lets and rents in particular areas of Wales are increasing at a much faster rate, and this is undoubtedly putting further pressure on people who are already struggling.

The discretionary housing payment budget can be used by local authorities to support those people most affected by the benefit cuts. But this year the Conservative Government saw fit to cut that budget by around £2.3 million, a 27 per cent cut, compared to last year, and this is on top of a previous cut of 18 per cent. Now, this is a huge reduction in funding, and it will exacerbate the plight of those already experiencing the cost-of-living crisis. Julie James has already called on the UK Government for the discretionary housing payment budget to be fully reinstated in her recent written statement, but there is no indication that the UK Government will heed those calls. The Minister has also emphasised that local housing allowance rates have not risen in three and a half years by March 2023 and therefore do not take account of some of the very significant increases in rent levels in some areas—another really clear example of how out of touch the UK Government is and how prepared they are to sit back and watch the crisis unfold.

Now, I was pretty staggered to hear Janet Finch-Saunders say she was shocked to hear of the gap between the housing allowance and the mean level of local rates. I mean, where has she been living? This has been consistently raised by non-governmental organisations and indeed by the Labour Party through the years of Tory Government-induced austerity. Jenny Rathbone catalogued what this means in practice in her constituency and the invidious choice it presents to people already on low incomes. But Janet Finch-Saunders makes it sound like a surprising phenomenon, something she's just happened to come across. It is deliberate. It has been a deliberate aim of UK Government policy, as Peredur Griffiths set out so carefully in his speech, and it is ideological. It is part of their agenda of demonising the poor and of scapegoating people who are in need of benefits. Now, I'm very pleased that Janet Finch-Saunders has finally clocked what's going on, and indeed is going to write to the UK Government, and I'm sure that the Rt Hon Michael Gove MP will read the letter with interest, but don't pretend, Janet, that the deepening housing crisis is an accidental phenomenon, it's a direct consequence of Tory housing policy.

In Wales we'll continue to do all we can, with the powers we have, to deliver for those most in need. In January we launched leasing scheme Wales, worth £30 million over five years, to improve access to longer term affordable housing in the private rental sector. It will deliver security for tenants and confidence for landlords. The scheme is designed to support the most disadvantaged individuals and households who are experiencing homelessness or are at risk of homelessness. Tenants of the scheme will benefit from longer term security of tenure of between five and 20 years, at rents restricted to local housing allowance rates, and there will be additional funding to ensure that they receive the level of support they will expect in social housing.

I call on Mabon ap Gwynfor to reply to the debate.

Diolch yn fawr iawn, Dirprwy Lywydd, and thank you all for the very thoughtful and very constructive contributions to this debate today. I agree with the Deputy Minister when he referenced Janet Finch-Saunders's contribution and her concern at the number of people not receiving enough money to cover rent, and I'm really glad that she's now realised that there is a crisis, and will contact the UK Government. It's a crisis that's been ongoing for many years, Janet, but welcome to the game at last.

Mike, thank you for being a champion for housing for the last number of years and making sure that you've been banging the drum, as you said, and thanks for pointing out that there's no link between rent inflation and the increasing housing allowances. Sioned made a point that the LGBTQ+ community is disproportionately represented in homelessness statistics, and that we need to specifically look at those communities. Jenny Rathbone made a point of the case study that you have in your constituency; I sincerely hope that that family you referenced will find housing soon, but it's an example of how this impacts on people right across Wales, from Caernarfon down to Cardiff.

Peredur, of course, made a point of concentrating on HMOs, and the fact that tenants are more likely to have negative rental experiences in HMOs. Thank you for that contribution. Sarah, you referenced the Wallich, and Aaron and Lacey, two young people who were looking for housing, but specifically you said that universal basic income would be a help. I too am looking forward to seeing the impact of UBI, and I think it will be a positive step forward.

Then, finally, the Deputy Minister—I thank him for his contribution. I'm looking forward to seeing the impact of the interventions that the Government will be making over the next few years in co-operation with Plaid Cymru, some of them very exciting, and making sure that we end homelessness. As the Deputy Minister said, the powers and the fiscal resources to help people lie with the UK Government—absolutely true. This is why we need to devolve welfare. In fact, I'd go further and say this is why we need independence, so that Wales decides our own fiscal and economic policies, and we direct our own future.

The Conservative amendment mentions right to buy. Once again, right to buy is not part of the solution, it's actually part of the problem. Many of the properties that we're now seeing as troublesome properties are former houses in public ownership, and now they have less quality control over them, and public money is now lining private pockets and not being ploughed back into public housing. So, no, reintroducing right to buy will push house prices up and further push rental prices up.

Our motion clearly calls on the UK Government to reform the local housing allowance to make it work for Wales and calls on the Welsh Government to consider the recommendations of the End Youth Homelessness Cymru road map. As it stands, local housing allowance rates are set at levels that are simply too low to cover the rents of low-income renters, as we've been told time and again. Reforming the local housing allowance is key if we're to find long-term solutions to the problems we've discussed here today.

The proposal is to agree the motion without amendment. Does any Member object? [Objection.] Yes. I did hear an objection. Therefore, I will defer voting on the motion until voting time.

And we have now reached voting time. We will take a short break to prepare for the vote.

We now move on to the voting on today's debates, and the first vote will be on the Welsh Conservatives debate on tourism. I call for a vote on the motion tabled in the name of Darren Millar. If the proposal is not agreed, we will vote on the amendment tabled to the motion. Open the vote. Close the vote. In favour 15, no abstentions, 34 against, therefore the motion is not agreed.

And we now move on to a vote on the amendment. I therefore call for a vote on the amendment tabled in the name of Lesley Griffiths. Open the vote. Close the vote. In favour 34, no abstentions, 15 against, therefore the amendment is agreed.

We will now move to a vote on the motion as amended.

Open the vote. In favour 34, no abstentions, 15 against, therefore the motion as amended is agreed.

We now move on to a vote on the Plaid Cymru debate on the cost-of-living crisis and housing. I call for a vote on the motion, tabled in the name of Siân Gwenllian, and, if the proposal is not agreed, we will vote on the amendments tabled to the motion. Open the vote. In favour 34, no abstentions, 15 against, therefore the motion is agreed.

And that brings us to the end of voting for today.

We move now to today's short debate, and I call on Peredur Owen Griffiths to speak to the topic that he has chosen.

Thank you very much, Deputy Presiding Officer, and Mabon has asked to contribute to the debate, and I'm happy to allow that.

Only Mabon?

Yes, just Mabon.

A key feature of the Welsh housing market over the past two decades has been a gradual ballooning of the private rented sector. The alterations in the profile of the Welsh housing stock and its consequences are well known, and have been debated many times in this Chamber. However, a not insignificant subsector within both the private and social rented sectors in Wales is houses in multiple occupation, or HMOs as they are commonly known. There seems to have been very little understanding of the lived experience of both residents living in and communities impacted by HMOs. The Government's focus has been on professionalising the sector, and, whilst this has brought welcome legislative developments surrounding minimum quality standards, any substantive action around community impact has yet to be taken seriously.

With shared living on the rise, housing policy in relation to HMOs needs urgently to be reviewed for the sake of communities and tenants. HMOs in south Wales are often placed in already established communities, with very little consideration allocated to the needs of the community and the people occupying the HMO.

People within my region frequently express feelings of living in a divided community, of not being listened to, and of receiving no consultation, other than a letter through the door, before a HMO is unthinkingly permitted on their street. There are serious concerns around strains on infrastructure, the erosion of community cohesion and the opportunistic rogue landlords who feel that the business risks for poorly managing their accommodation are outweighed by the financial returns.

The increasing concentrations of HMOs in south Wales are also in ageing communities, where feelings of disenfranchisement are particularly acute. Older people should feel that their community is a safe place where they can exercise their freedom, not somewhere riven by anti-social behaviour and the sense of trepidation that can stem from HMOs. Objections from residents and councillors are frequently met with the usual response of, 'These aren't material planning concerns.' Our communities need a sufficient mechanism for making sure that they can determine, together, how their community grows and develops.

It also needs to be recognised that the continually growing body of research indicates that HMOs house some of the most vulnerable tenants in our country. In 2020, studies conducted by Professor Steve Iafrati showed that these individuals often have multiple and complex needs, as they have experience of institutional care, the criminal justice system, mental and physical health concerns and homelessness. They typically have limited recourse to other housing options and are constrained to HMOs as housing of last resort.

Those who fall between the gaps in welfare provision can be openly targeted by unscrupulous landlords, whilst local authorities have limited options to house them elsewhere. Because of this, local authorities are becoming increasingly reliant upon HMOs as a quick fix for housing need. Ultimately, this doesn't address root causes so much as it attempts to treat the symptoms.

There are significant accountability deficits and risk gaps blighting the current system. There is a lack of robust oversight and monitoring beyond minimal housing regulation, very little regulation of care, support or supervision for people with complex needs, and no meaningful community voice. It simply won't do to pit community against tenant. Both suffer under the current arrangements, while landlords and local authorities stand to gain.

On this matter, concerns have been raised by a Plaid Cymru colleague following an incident over a HMO in my region. Issues around support to vulnerable people, lengths of stays in what is supposed to be temporary accommodation, planning applications and the concerns of the community have all been reported to him. Unfortunately, there has been a death of a young vulnerable man in a HMO in my region. This matter is still under investigation, but the case has raised a number of questions.

Thank you to Peredur for bringing forward this debate, because it is an exceptionally important one, particularly bearing in mind that in a number of the HMOs that we have, if you think about places such as Bangor, Aberystwyth, Swansea, Wrexham and Cardiff—those areas where there are universities—it's students who make up many of the residents of these HMOs. I want to refer you to an excellent report that the National Union of Students Wales and Shelter released around Christmas that looked at the standard of housing for students and which said that over half the students of Wales live in properties that are damp, that have mould growing in them, and so on; 65 per cent of students reported that they live in homes that had an impact on their mental health; and that a third of students had difficulties paying rent, with 60 per cent of them stating that the property that they lived in didn't meet standards and should not have attracted that level of rent. So, this draws attention to that specifically, and I would like to hear what the Deputy Minister has to say when it comes to student properties in particular.

Also, I think it's important—what Peredur said in his contribution—to mention the need to build homes to meet local demand and needs, to ensure that homes are fit for purpose, rather than what we see at the moment, which is a number of landlords trying to squeeze as many people as possible into homes for their own profit, without thinking about the needs of those individuals who then go on to suffer from things like mental ill health. So, I look forward to hearing what the Deputy Minister has to say about Government plans to ensure that homes are built to meet the community demands and needs. Thank you very much.

I call on the Deputy Minister for Climate Change to reply to the debate.

Well, thank you very much to Peredur Griffiths for his contribution, which I thought was very thoughtful and raised a number of important issues that need reflecting upon, and I'm very pleased that Plaid Cymru and the Welsh Government have a radical joint approach to a number of areas of housing and, indeed, a mechanism by which we can discuss this and find shared solutions to complex and challenging problems.

Now, of course, our ambition for Wales is to value the rented sector, and also to value communities where there are mixed housing and tenures that meet the needs of all those people living within their communities. There are a number of points raised in the contribution and I'll try and address as many of them as I'm able to.

On the point of the rights and roles of tenants, I fully appreciate the points that have been made, and indeed it is why we continue to fund the Tenant Participation Advisory Service, TPAS Cymru, to encourage participation and represent the voice of tenants in Wales. It is vital that tenants are protected, especially those who can be considered vulnerable, and I think the points that both Mabon ap Gwynfor and Peredur Griffiths made are sound ones.

Of course, we do also have Rent Smart Wales. I noticed Peredur Griffiths used a phrase about our sort of statutory framework, and I don't think we should dismiss that or underestimate that; I think that is an important and hard-fought gain that does give us an advantage. Any landlord of a privately rented property must register themselves and their properties, and Rent Smart Wales make sure that landlords are aware of their responsibilities, and tenants benefit from having a landlord or an agent who is aware of their legal responsibilities and act in accordance with them. That's not something that happens in England and it's something that happens in Wales because of the action the Senedd has taken on it. I don't think we should set that aside too lightly.

We are working with people who have experienced discrimination to develop proposals to address the inequalities that exist in the private rented sector, and tackling racism and promoting race equality have always been important priorities for this Government, and our programme for government commitment recognises the need for sustained action to eradicate racial discrimination and hate crime by ensuring that landlords respond quickly to complaints of racism and hate crime, and offer appropriate support. We're working with Rent Smart Wales, Tai Pawb and Victim Support Cymru to develop training for all landlords and managing agents to raise awareness of racism and hate crime, and there is a need for everyone to stand together to support victims and to ensure that instances are reported to the police or to Victim Support Cymru.

Poverty, of course, disproportionately impacts particular people and particular communities, and so we have provided extra funding to Citizens Advice Cymru to establish the private rented sector debt helpline, so that tenants can speak to independent trained advisers who can help them to maximise their income, support them to claim the benefits that they're entitled to and undertake an assessment of affordability to help with rent arrears or other household debt.

The implementation of the Renting Homes (Wales) Act 2016 will transform the landscape for tenants and considerably strengthen their rights. It will improve the quality of rented homes, crucially—that's what it is for—and providing tenants do not breach their contract, they will have a right to six months' notice if their landlord seeks to end the contract. And further, as that notice cannot be served in the first six months, they will have security of at least a year after moving into their home.

And finally, we have a commitment to publish a White Paper on fair rents, and new approaches to making homes affordable for those on local incomes in line with the co-operation agreement, and that will include proposals on rent control. So, to ensure everyone in Wales has access to a decent, affordable and safe home and help combat the cost-of-living crisis facing so many people in Wales, we've already put in place a raft of measures, as we discussed in the previous debate, including the commitment to 20,000 low-carbon homes for rent.

Thank you, Deputy Minister, and thank you to everyone for their contributions. That brings today's proceedings to a close.