Plenary

The next item is questions to the Minister for Health and Social Services, and the first question is from Delyth Jewell.

We recognise the vital importance of respite and taking a break for maintaining the mental health and well-being of unpaid carers. On Monday, at the start of national Carers Week, I announced £3 million of new funding in 2021-22 to support emergency respite provision and development of a short-breaks fund.

Thank you, Minister. As you've noted, it is Carers Week, and I welcome your respite support package for unpaid carers, but I'm afraid that that doesn't tally with the delay in reopening day-care services. These services are one of the principal means of respite for unpaid carers, and some councils have yet to fully reopen them. I understand that Caerphilly have said that they will open facilities only on a phased basis, and they've requested advice from the Welsh Government about what process to follow to allow them to do this safely. Now, neighbouring councils like Newport have already provided day services, so I'd firstly like to know why the same guidance isn't being given to all councils. But, moreover, Minister, I'd like to stress—and I know that you'll appreciate this—the deeply draining toll that this is all taking on hundreds of families, families of people with learning disabilities or complex needs, many of whom have already had the vaccine and who rely on these services to cope and to see their friends. And their families need this respite—their role is physically and emotionally demanding. If some councils can offer this respite, how is it that some other councils are waiting on Welsh Government guidance? I just fear that the needs of carers and the harm being done to these families is getting lost somewhere.

I thank Delyth Jewell for that very important question, and I am very aware of the strain that carers have been under during this really difficult time. And I'm certainly aware of those people who are caring for people with a learning disability or people with Alzheimer's, that there is a great stress. And so I'm absolutely in sympathy with her in the point that she's trying to make.

We have been encouraging local authorities to reopen day centres, and in fact I'm aware of the situation in Caerphilly, and we have been in discussion—the officials have been in discussion with Caerphilly council—in order to try to hurry up the process. I'm also aware that the provision of day services that have opened are spasmodic—are scattered throughout Wales. And so we are well aware of this situation, we know how important it is, and we're working hard to try to get day services up and running, as they should now be able to do so.

Minister, there are more than 22,000 young carers aged between 14 and 25 in Wales. The pressure faced by these young people because of their caring duties can have a negative impact on their own physical health, mental health, education and employment opportunities. The pressure on these young people has been increased by the pandemic—there's no doubt about it. Looking after a family member or friend is highly rewarding, but also incredibly demanding. Just knowing that you're able to escape for a break is a great incentive, particularly where you are confident the person you care for will be looked after in your absence. You did mention the £3 million that you provided to local authorities earlier in Wales, but I would like to know how you will monitor this and the actual progress that that £3 million is going to be spent on the rightful purpose.

I thank you for that, again, very important question, because the needs of young carers are absolutely a high priority in the Government's planning, and we know what an enormous amount they do to care for their loved ones. On the £3 million, £1.75 million has already been given to the local authorities to support the existing respite schemes that they do provide already. The other £1.25 million, there is a research project that is looking at the best way of providing short breaks, and looking at what you have to do in order to qualify for those short breaks. For example, do you need to have had a carer's assessment? I think it may be not necessary to have had a carer's assessment. So, we're trying to make respite more flexible and easier for carers, including young carers, to access. So, these respite projects that we're putting forward are going to be available for young carers and carers of all ages, and we're particularly anxious that young carers should benefit from them. So, thank you again for that very important question.

Thank you, Joel, for the question.

Community medical facilities have played and continue to play a vital role throughout the pandemic. Officials are continuing to work with health boards to inform planning for booster vaccines and to ensure that access to wider primary care services is balanced to ensure the population is protected from COVID.

Thank you, Minister. And I'd like to take this opportunity to put on record my thanks and appreciation for all those who work within this field and have gone above and beyond to help protect and serve their communities during this terrible pandemic.

As highlighted yesterday in the Chamber, and in a recent briefing by the British Medical Association, some GP surgeries in Wales were in the position to adapt during the pandemic and ensure that they continued to provide safe and effective services to patients. These have not only included the continuation of face-to-face appointments, but also an element of online and blended consultation. However, not all surgeries have been able to adapt, and the Taff Vale practice in Cilfynydd has been closed since the start of the pandemic, leaving many residents in the village without adequate provision and the need to make alternative arrangements elsewhere. The intervention of the health board and community health council has sadly not been able to change the situation, and I would ask if the Minister could intervene on behalf of the residents, liaise with the practice managers, and try to get this surgery back up and running as soon as possible.

Thanks very much, Joel, and I join with you in thanking the tremendous efforts of our NHS workers during the pandemic. I think patients understand that everything needed to change and adapt in light of the pandemic, and, of course, the number of patients physically that were allowed inside premises was quite important in order to minimise the risk to all. I think the roll-out of new technology has been actually quite beneficial in certain circumstances, and certainly some patients have found that the eConsult approach and the triaging on telephones has been quite helpful. But you're absolutely right: it is important that when people need face-to-face consultation, we need to facilitate that as well.

We are hearing about various cases throughout Wales, and we're keeping an eye on that situation. I think we do have to take on board the learning, the positive learning we've had from the pandemic, but I will look specifically at the Taff Vale practice. If there is no opportunity at all to see a GP, then I think that obviously does raise some questions. So, I'll ask my officials specifically to look at that case.

Following on from the question just made, I wonder if she can update us on whether there has been a big take-up of the additional £9.2 million funding for improving both telephone and video responsiveness. Now, we understand that during the pandemic the pressures on our community medical facilities were massive, but what we want to see is them coming out of this and patients being able to get a phone, an e-consultation or a video e-consultation, or simply to have the phone answered as well.

So, it would be good to know in my own area what's been happening with that, and whether there has been a good take-up, but I think every Member here would like to know as well whether their own GP practices and community medical facilities have made use of this, because getting back to some new normality, where people know they can get a response, they can get an appointment, even if that appointment is using the new eConsult messages, and they can have it done promptly. So, what has the take-up been like for that £9.2 million?

Diolch yn fawr iawn. I think the Member was absolutely right to talk about the new normal, because I don't think it's right that we go back to the old ways of working. We need to take advantage of new technology, and I'm pleased to say that there has been a tremendous take-up of that £9.2 million funding that was made available up until March this year. I really welcome the Member's interest in this topic. He'll be aware that we also had some access standards that were announced by the previous Minister for health, and they were about making sure that people knew what the expectation was. So, when they contacted the GP, they knew the standards of delivery that were expected, and there was an incentive there for GPs, and if they reach the standards, then they are given additional payments. Now, we are waiting to hear the results of that, and so, those results will be coming out in June, and if they've reached the standards, then they will be getting that top-up of financial support. So, I will write to Members with the information on access standards, and the achievement of those services around Wales, when that data becomes available at the end of June.

Questions now from the party spokespeople. Conservative spokesperson, Russell George.

Diolch, Llywydd. Minister, in my new role, I would like to first of all just say congratulations on your appointment, and I hope to work constructively with you, particularly with regards to the challenges ahead, which we have to face together as a country.

My colleagues and I have very much welcomed the announcement of £1 billion to help the NHS recover from the pandemic, and the first tranche of £100 million announced for new technology and staff. It's been several months now since the publication of the Welsh Government's NHS recovery framework and we're still waiting to see where the other £900 million is due to be spent. Can you tell us today how and where this money is going to be targeted in Welsh primary and secondary care?

Well, thanks very much, and can I also congratulate Russell George once again? I think I congratulated prematurely last time. First of all, I'm sure you, like me, welcome that £1 billion extra that we are going to be putting in specifically to try and tackle the issues that have arisen as a result of the pandemic. There is, as the Member knows, a significant backlog of work that needs to be tackled, and, let's face it, we're still not out of the COVID pandemic at the moment. So, there are still some severe restrictions on our ability to get back to a normal service.

We have already announced that £100 million. That has been distributed throughout all the health boards in Wales. I have asked the health authorities now to come forward with their proposals for how they think we should be addressing the backlog. So, those proposals are being analysed by my officials at the moment. We'll be drawing up annual plans with them, and, on the back of that, we will be making a request to the finance Minister for the additional funding to be released. So, we've got to get the balance right between being very specific about what it is we're going to do, how we're going to make sure that there's a geographic coverage, but also that we're actually getting to the most difficult and clinical priority cases as soon as we can as well. So, that additional funding, I'm very keen to get spending, as you can imagine, but we have to work in partnership with the health boards and make sure we understand what their priorities are as well.

Thank you, Minister. I appreciate your answer. I suppose it's not just health authorities, but it's other health professionals that you need to work with as well, and many of those I've spoken to over the last couple of weeks just feel disappointed that they haven't yet had that funding allocated and announced. I appreciate the process that you've mentioned and outlined, but I think their concern is that as time ticks on, waiting lists continue to spiral. As I mentioned to you yesterday, Wales is now looking at a waiting list of one in three waiting over a year, compared to one in 11 in England, and this is not just COVID-19 at play here: before the pandemic, the number of those waiting over a year for treatment was triple that of the whole of England.

So, whilst I appreciate what you said, Minister—I understand, to a part, what you said—you'll obviously be aware of your predecessor's commitments as well that it would take a full parliamentary term to clear the backlog of patients. You mentioned in your first response to me that it's going take time to do this, and I think we all acknowledge and understand that. So, can you give any timescales for the NHS providers to know when they will receive this financial support, so that they can plan where to target it? I appreciate the process you've outlined, but can we have some dates potentially attached to that?

Thanks very much. Well, the process is this: the health boards put forward their annual plans, we're not expecting to receive those annual plans until the end of this week, and as soon as that's been done we'll obviously be analysing those. We'll be looking at where we think the priorities should be and then we will be making a submission to the finance Minister to see if it may be possible, perhaps, even to get it into a supplementary budget later this year, so that we can start that process of spending money. We're very aware that if we want to clear the backlog that we need to get things in place, and the best way to do that is to spend the money upfront at the beginning of the year. Also, of course, one of the things that they're anxious to know is whether this is going to be one-off funding or multi-annual funding, and that makes a big difference as to whether and to what extent they're willing to commit. So, all of those conversations are ongoing.

Thank you, Minister. I appreciate that you've given a little bit more detail about the timescale. You referred to having that information back from the health boards by, I think you said, next week. And I suppose the question then is timescales about the process of when you'll be making those commitments, bringing forward those proposals to the finance Minister, and when you believe the finance Minister will be in a position to tell the Chamber how that £900 million is going to be allocated.

I also raised concerns yesterday about the workforce, and how it's vital to have a workforce strategy to underpin the critical shortages in our NHS workforce, so we don't face burnout whilst trying to tackle the mounting treatment backlog, and I know you appreciate and agree with that concern. Now, I know in the Labour Party manifesto that you referred to 12,000 doctors, nurses and allied healthcare professionals, but what it didn't say in the manifesto, so I'm hoping you can tell us this today, it didn't give us much detail about the breakdown of who you were intending to recruit to tackle the backlog. So, I think it is critical for the very safety of patients and, of course, for legal requirements as well under the Nurse Staffing Levels (Wales) Act 2016 that we have adequate staffing on our wards, of course, as well. I know you'll agree with that.

So, can you outline today, Minister, how many doctors and nurses you will recruit, how long you believe it will take to achieve, and how much of the £900 million you will specifically be spending on recruitment? Now, I appreciate that some of this answer might relate to that information that you're waiting to receive, but if you can give us any insight into that, that would be appreciated, Minister.

Well, I'm sure the Member will be aware that the Welsh Government has already produced a workforce strategy on health, working closely with Health Education and Improvement Wales to identify where the gaps are in relation to where we really need to focus our efforts, and there's been a huge amount of work done with that organisation over recent months. On the 12,000 people that we will be recruiting in terms of training, some of that work is already in place and I'm happy to write to the Member with a further breakdown of precisely where we think those are going to be held.FootnoteLink There's a big difference—. There's no point in saying we're going to appoint x number of new doctors—if you haven't got them in the training process, it's all a bit of a waste of time. So, the first thing to happen is that you've got to get them trained and then make the financial commitment to make sure that they can be given a job at the end of that process.

Obviously, we're very concerned about making sure that we stick to the staffing levels that we've set down in law, of course, and you will be aware that we have done a lot in this Government to ensure that we are doing all we can to produce our own local people. So, the nurse bursary, for example, is something that we kept in the Labour Party in Wales, and I'm afraid that the Westminster Parliament under, I'm afraid, your Government, the Conservative Party, decided to withdraw that support.

The Plaid Cymru spokesperson, Rhun ap Iorwerth.

Thank you very much, Llywydd. Minister, I asked you yesterday in responding to the statement on the coronavirus update what plans were in the pipeline in order to hasten vaccination or provide surge vaccination in high-infection areas, particularly where the delta variant is a cause for concern. I don't feel that I got the response I wanted to that question, so let me put it in this way: if a health board in an area where there is concern—we're talking here about Betsti Cadwaladr University Health Board at the moment—can demonstrate that they have the capacity to do more in terms of vaccination, would you as a Government ensure that they can get an increased supply of vaccines in order to hasten the process?

Thank you very much. Of course, what we've done is given much more freedom to the health boards to have the flexibility that they need to make some of those decisions if they need to make them. We've already given consent to them if they see that they do need to increase their vaccinations and where they vaccinate, and so they have the flexibility to respond in that way. At present, there's no supply problem. I've just come from a meeting with the Minister in London who's responsible for vaccine supply, and we foresee no problem at present. So, we are confident that we are in a situation where, if the health board needs to accelerate that process—. And, of course, we're in a very extraordinary situation in Wales where nearly everyone over 18 has been offered the first vaccine, which means that we can focus on the second vaccine, which is so important to protect people from the new delta variant.

Thank you for that response. I think you're still missing the point somewhat. I'm asking not how we accelerate the second vaccination generally—things are going very well in terms of that—but how we can focus more supply in those areas where we need surge vaccination. And if that request is made by a health board, I hope that you, as a Government, can ensure additional supplies to them. The growth of the delta variant reminds us that this is a pandemic that is still very much with us. We must continue to find ways of responding to it and of protecting lives.

Now, I mentioned to you a fortnight ago the potential of investing in the use of ultraviolet-C light—UVC—in order to disinfect against COVID. I understand that the Irish Government has now agreed to provide and ensure clean air in schools in Ireland through UVC and air filtering. Here in Wales, I know that Carmarthenshire is prepared to pilot this in schools. I know also that Anglesey council are very eager to trial this—a great deal of work has been done there—but they will need the support of Government. So, will you look at approving such pilot schemes urgently, and then ensure that the funding is allocated so that we can look towards using UVC, which isn't new technology but has a new usage that has been very important in terms of the pandemic?

Thank you very much. We've already given funding to hospitals that need more help in terms of ventilation. So, for example, in Llandough hospital, we have invested £830,000 of additional funding to help them with their systems, and, of course, it's important that we do understand the importance of ventilation. Now, as to this idea of UVC, I'm not aware that we've looked into it in any detail yet, but I'm happy to go away and look at that.

It's also important that we consider schools. Now is the time to ensure that schools open their windows and use those opportunities. Things will be very different by the winter, and who knows what situation we will be in at that time. So, it is something that is worth looking at in terms of how we're going to improve the situation, because we have to learn to live with this virus, as you said.

I'm grateful for that positive commitment, and, for information, Anglesey is looking at introducing UVC in rooms where it's difficult to provide adequate ventilation by opening windows.

Finally, this week is Carers Week, and I want to take this opportunity to pay tribute and to thank carers the length and breadth of Wales who work so hard quietly to care for loved ones and family members, and, through their work, ensure that the NHS can operate and, in so doing, save billions of pounds. Something carers have mentioned to me is that they want one point of contact. Carers have to speak to health boards, different departments within those boards, social services, the third sector even, and that places additional stresses upon them. Can I ask you what steps you, working with the Deputy Minister, can take in order to co-ordinate services and to create one point of contact in order to support those people who truly deserve that support?

Thank you very much, and I also want to thank carers for the extraordinary work that they do across the country, in safeguarding our elderly people, and also young people who have serious problems. I do understand that what we need to do is do everything that we can to make the lives of these carers easier. I do understand the point that having to contact a range of different institutions or organisations can make things complicated. I'm happy to have a word with the Deputy Minister to see whether there are any steps we can take in that area. I'm sure that she is far more aware of what's already available, but also to see whether we can simplify the system.

Diolch yn fawr, Vikki. The Welsh Government takes women’s health, including menopausal concerns, very seriously and expects all health boards to provide a full range of services to women experiencing the menopause in accordance with National Institute for Health and Care Excellence guidance.

Thank you, Minister, and welcome to your new role. Menopause is, of course, a condition that will affect half the population of Wales at some point in their lives, with symptoms including problems sleeping, issues with concentration, digestive problems and stiff, aching joints. Recent research has shown that seven out of 10 women say that menopause significantly affects their mental well-being, and eight out of 10 women say that the side effects of menopause have had a significant negative impact on their ability to carry out their employment roles effectively. There are almost 100 menopause clinics throughout the UK, yet only three of these are in Wales. Minister, with menopause having such a significant impact on the health, well-being and, indeed, the economy of Wales, what plans does Welsh Government have to improve current service provision and ensure that all women affected by menopause are adequately supported?

Thanks very much, Vikki, and I know I'm at that age now where I have to deal with some of these issues and, certainly, what I do know is that every individual has different symptoms and has to deal with this in their own way. What we've done in Wales is to make sure that every individual—. There's a need to tailor the advice to that particular individual. We have four recognised clinics in Wales that are recognised by the British Menopause Society: one in Llantrisant, one in Caerleon, one in Wrexham, and one in Deeside. And what we try and do is to make sure that we have this entry point through the GP, and that is generally the system that I think makes a lot of sense. And then the idea is that the GPs, who should have been through some training that has been set by the Royal College of Obstetricians and Gynaecologists, can stick to the advice given by NICE, and then, if necessary, they will refer on to those clinics that you mentioned. So, that's the system that we have in Wales, but I have asked my officials to conduct a review of the current menopause provision to assess delivery in line with those NICE guidelines, just to make sure that we are doing what we expect people to be delivering.

Firstly, can I congratulate the Minister on her new role, the Deputy Minister for mental health on hers, and you on the continuation of yours, Julie?

As someone who has the delights of menopause that Vikki just outlined to come, sooner rather than later, unfortunately, I do also believe that this is an issue that is vitally important to talk about and address, and not just for women, but for men to understand and talk about as well. As my former colleague, Suzy Davies, quite rightly campaigned for and successfully campaigned for, it's something that we now should all talk about. It's no longer a taboo subject and it now will be included in the delivery of the new curriculum. Fair Treatment for the Women of Wales and their Not Just Hot Flushes campaign estimate that one in 10 menopausal women in the UK leave employment, as Vikki outlined, as a result of unmanageable symptoms, lack of appropriate treatment, employers' lack of understanding, and poor access to services. The impact that menopause can have, as you know, on a workforce can be debilitating, and there should be more treatment available and greater understanding of the issues faced. At present, as you said, there are four clinics available. One of them is an excellent nurse-led clinic in the Aneurin Bevan health board facility, but there is a four-and-a-half month waiting list to access it. It's very successful, so maybe that's also a clinic, nurse-led idea, that you should look into and maybe roll out, because that has been successful. It's just the wait that's a problem on that one.

Will the Minister commit to ensuring that specialist clinics like these are easily accessible across Wales, and that you work with relevant charities and employers organisations to ensure that women going through these struggles related to the menopause get the understanding and the help that they need? Thank you.

Diolch yn fawr. I'd like to pay tribute as well to Suzy Davies for the great work that she did to put this onto the agenda. I was really pleased that one of the last things that the education Minister did was to make that commitment that, in the curriculum, women's health issues are going to be a part of what everybody learns about in school, because you're absolutely right: this is not just an issue for women; men have to understand it as well. And I'm really pleased that a lot of unions in Wales have also championed this cause and made sure there's heightened awareness of this issue throughout Wales.

I was listening to Woman's Hour today on the way in, and it was very interesting, talking about the whole issue of women's health and the need to really focus on it and to make sure that we take this seriously. Certainly, in the Welsh Government, we do take it seriously. We have a women's health reference group that really looks at these things in detail, just to make sure it's getting the attention that these issues deserve, and I look forward to hearing more about that as I continue in this role. But, certainly, we're obviously concerned about accessibility at the moment. The pandemic has pushed everything back. But I think you're absolutely right: there are some nurse experts who can actually help a great deal in these spaces, and I think we have to try and condition people to get people to understand that, actually, an expert can be somebody who's been doing the job and has absolute specialist information about it, who is not necessarily a consultant or a GP, and they can be very, very useful at times.

Thank you, Huw. The principles of social prescribing are consistent with broader Welsh Government policy, such as the primary care model for Wales and 'A Healthier Wales'. Our recently established social prescribing task and finish group is looking to understand how social prescribing could aid Wales in its recovery from COVID-19, and includes, amongst others, representation from the Royal College of General Practitioners.

I really welcome that response, Minister, because I know that when I was a lot, lot younger, decades ago, when I was a sports centre assistant and manager—I know that's hard to believe—I was one of the first to introduce exercise on prescription and GP referral schemes in our centres across England and Wales at the time. But, of course, things have moved on, we've innovated. Social prescribing and getting people into the outdoors, walking and cycling and being part of social contact groups will tackle loneliness and isolation as well. We know that this pays dividends in so many ways, but there are obstacles for GPs—the time, the explanation and so on. So, I wonder, Minister, what you think the taskforce will throw up about the main obstacles to social prescribing. How can we get social prescribing to be in every part of Wales, in every GP surgery, in every primary care facility that there is, so that we can give people the option of doing something quite differently for their mental health and physical well-being as well?

Thank you, Huw, for that supplementary. A key role of the task and finish group is to develop a national framework for social prescribing, which will include general practice. It will also be exploring the barriers to progressing social prescribing in Wales. However, we already know that one of the biggest obstacles that GPs encounter is actually knowing what activities are available to them locally. And there is a commitment within our 'Connected Communities' strategy to embed the use of Dewis, our national well-being directory of services and activities, with both service providers and the communities.

You'll be pleased to know, I'm sure, that all regional partnership boards are taking forward work in this area, including Cwm Taf Morgannwg, who are supporting a number of social prescribing projects, particularly the Connecting Communities project in Bridgend. This project aims to support older adults, people with learning disabilities and carers of vulnerable people to develop support networks within their communities and strengthen the capacity of the third sector to meet needs. At the end of March 2021, some 4,444 people had benefited from the project. There are also community development hubs being developed across Rhondda Cynon Taf, which involves the development of hubs across the borough to develop better public services, efficient, co-ordinated and located close to the point of need. As of 21 March, community co-ordinators had responded to nearly 4,000 requests for assistance, diverting the need away from adult or other statutory service interventions and providing early help for people in the community.

Minister, social prescribing has a unique role to play in prevention as a whole, particularly when it comes to social care. Keeping the body active can prevent falls, and keeping the mind active can stave off the onset of dementia. I welcome the actions taken by Betsi Cadwaladr and the local authorities in north Wales in developing Made in North Wales, which helps co-ordinate social prescribing across the north. How will your Government work with Made in North Wales and the third sector across the region in order to maximise social prescribing opportunities? Thank you.

Thank you for that question. Clearly, a key role of the task and finish group will be to draw on the good practice that is taking place in some parts of Wales and ensure that that good practice is rolled out across Wales. There is input from the health boards into the task and finish group, and I'm really keen that we take forward the need for a national framework so that people in Wales can have a consistent social prescribing offer. I think it is important to recognise too, though, that social prescribing is just one part of what we need to do to ensure early intervention for people who are either in distress or who have extra support needs. But it clearly has a really important part to play.

Thank you very much for that question, Jane. In October 2020, we reissued the 'Together for Mental Health' delivery plan 2019-22, which has been strengthened in key areas as a result of the pandemic impact. We understand that women have been impacted by COVID and its socioeconomic impact. Importantly, while the plan retains a key focus in areas such as improving perinatal mental health support, this is within the context of sustained improvements to wider mental health support services.

Diolch yn fawr iawn. Can I extend my congratulations to you on your role as well? Llongyfarchiadau. The Welsh Women's Aid 'State of the Sector' report focuses on the situation for women who've been affected by domestic violence. They catalogue a patchwork of support services in this sector, both for women who are making decisions about leaving a relationship and those who've been affected and are survivors. Could I ask the Minister to give an assurance that there will be a continued focus on the mental health of women affected by domestic violence, including those from black and minority ethnic groups, particularly looking at this being a long-term commitment to services to help the recovery of victims, staff and volunteers? Diolch yn fawr iawn.

Can I thank Jane Dodds for that important question and for her congratulations?

We have, of course, all been spending more time at home in the past year, and I am acutely aware that for too many people home is not a refuge. That's why the Welsh Government has invested significant funds in this area. The sector has received over £4 million of additional funding to deal with the impact of COVID-19; that's an extra 67 per cent compared with last year. We've also focused our communication campaigns on helping people to stay safe. Our Live Fear Free helpline is a free 24/7 service for all victims and survivors of domestic abuse and sexual violence, and those close to them, and it has remained open, offering a full service, throughout the pandemic.

In addition to that, we've provided open access to the violence against women, domestic abuse and sexual violence e-learning module to community members, and over 50,000 people have taken that course, which enables people to have a better understanding in order to help and ensure that support is available. In our budget this year, we've committed £42 million to mental health provision, a significant additional and recurrent level of funding for mental health services that will increase health boards' baseline funding in order to support changing mental health needs as a result of COVID.

I'd just like to assure the Member that we are committed to making services accessible and responsive to individual needs, and that includes the needs of women and those from black, Asian and minority ethnic backgrounds. What I do recognise, though, is that responding to the broad range of social issues that are often the cause of poor mental health needs a multi-agency and cross-Government approach, and I am committed to driving that approach forward both with partners and the rest of the Welsh Government.

More than half of the population is expected to be living with a long-standing illness by 2023. That is serious, especially as it has been found that over two thirds of people with a long-term physical health condition also suffer with poor mental health. Professor Adrian Edwards, director of Wales's COVID-19 evidence centre, has warned that the mental health side effects of living with chronic conditions will be a huge problem as Wales emerges from the pandemic, so we do need positive action across the nation.

We have a key opportunity to see the Welsh NHS reach out to residents via GP practices, and I know that many constituents have concerns that are coming in at the moment about a lack of face-to-face consultations, especially when raising mental health issues for the first time. In fact, the Royal College of General Practitioners Cymru have called for a dedicated mental health worker at each GP practice across Wales. Will you work with the Minister and our GPs across Wales to make this become a reality? Diolch.

Thank you, Janet, for that question. I would just to like to assure you that GPs are continuing, as they have done throughout the pandemic, to deliver their services, including their services under the mental health measure. As you'll understand, there have had to be changes to service delivery because of the pandemic, but people who need to be seen face to face are having face-to-face appointments. That said, I know that this is something myself and the health Minister are very much focused on. We're going to be meeting the BMA shortly and will be discussing this, because we have to make sure that nobody falls through the cracks because of the changed models of service delivery.

On 4 June, following a rigorous review, the Medicines and Healthcare Products Regulatory Agency approved as safe and effective the use of the Pfizer-BioNTech vaccine in children aged 12 to 15. This is just a first step in the process, and like other UK nations, we now await the advice of the Joint Committee on Vaccination and Immunisation.

Thank you for that answer. We have now vaccinated a greater share of our population than any other country with more than 1 million people, and that extraordinary success means that Wales might be able to start vaccinating children, pending the evidence and advice that you have just mentioned. But leading the world means that we can't follow by example, and extending the vaccine to children will be a new challenge. One of those challenges will be that other people will make those decisions for those children, and that, of course, is right. Parents and guardians will decide whether they receive it or whether they don't. So, what is the Welsh Government doing to prepare for that new challenge as we enter the next crucial stage of the vaccine roll-out?

Thanks very much, Joyce. As you say, we do have to wait for that JCVI advice before moving forward and there are lots of ethical and moral issues that we need to work through. It may be that we want to consider children who are clinically extremely vulnerable or children who live with extremely vulnerable people first; we need to think about how and if we want to do this. Because what we do know is that children, generally, if they contract COVID, don't suffer that much, but they can pass it on. So, we'll wait for that advice, but in the meantime, we are preparing just in case, to an extent. I think, certainly, what we would want to do, if we were to go down that route, would be to make sure that we fine tune our communications, to make sure that we give the advice and the information to parents, as much as they can, so that they can make an informed choice, of course, on behalf of their children. And I think, probably, if we're talking about the older cohort of children—16 to 18-year-olds—that's a slightly different group again, and I think, probably, we'd want them to consider making their own decisions in this space, and we would have to communicate with them in a very different way, maybe directly using social media outlets. So, there's still a lot for us to consider in this space. We've already started discussing these issues, obviously, amongst ourselves, but we can't do anything until we've had that JCVI advice.

I'm very pleased to hear that you have referred to the need for JCVI advice on this, because, of course, some parents are concerned that mandating or requiring the use of the vaccine could be something that individual schools will insist upon around Wales. What assurances can you give to parents that children will not be vaccinated without their permission? And what discussions have you had with your Cabinet colleague for education regarding the role that vaccination will play in terms of being able to lift restrictions in our schools, which, of course, are still requiring many children—even though they're extremely unlikely to get ill, and we've got a growing percentage of the adult population that's been vaccinated—to wear masks every day in school?

Thanks very much, Darren. You'll be aware that we haven't mandated the vaccine to anybody within this nation, and despite that, we've had an incredible uptake amongst the population as a whole. If we can, we certainly want to keep with that route with persuasion. I think that has been extremely successful, and we'd like to continue in that vein, and certainly, when it comes to children, I think that will be very important.

We are very keen, of course, to work with the education authorities, with the education unions about that conversation that is ongoing in terms of masks in schools, so that—. I know the education Minister has been in intense discussions and negotiations on that. Our ambition throughout this crisis has been to try and keep schools open, and we have to, of course, balance the issue of giving the vaccine to children with the need to keep schools open as well. So, that's another factor we need to consider when we are making the very difficult, I think, finely balanced judgment. And, of course, that's really what the JCVI will be considering as well.

Any potential investment to improve health facilities in Clwyd South would need to be considered by the health board and align with its service and estate strategies. The main scheme close to Clwyd South is the Wrexham Maelor Hospital redevelopment, and this is being progressed with the Welsh Government.

Well, thank you, Minister; that's fantastic to hear. Previous Welsh Labour Governments have invested very heavily in health facilities in Clwyd South, with new facilities in particular in Chirk and Llangollen, and the Minister will be aware of the phenomenal workforce in the health sector in Clwyd South and across Wales. But, unfortunately, there are still some facilities in Clwyd South that are not of the high standard of the workforce that operates from them, in particular in Cefn Mawr and in Hanmer, and I'd be very grateful of the Minister's support in progressing new health facilities for these communities.

Diolch yn fawr, Ken. You'll be aware that Labour proposed in our manifesto that we will be charging onwards with our commitment to development twenty-first century surgeries, which hopefully will go beyond a GP offer, it will reach—making sure that we reach out to care and mental health facilities and lots of other facilities, hopefully working with local authorities as well. That's the kind of model we're hoping to promote, and certainly I know that the health board is aware of that. So, it will be up to the Betsi Cadwaladr University Health Board to determine the priority for its programme in terms of primary and community care estate developments. So, obviously, there's a big decision to make there for them. We know that about a third of our GP premises across Wales need improvement, so there are going to be some very, very difficult choices to be made in the future years. I spoke to the chief operating officer and the chair of Betsi yesterday, and I will be visiting hospitals in your area next week, and I'm very much looking forward to that.

And lastly, question 8, Buffy Williams.

Diolch, Llywydd. I'd also like to congratulate the Minister on her new appointment.

Well, thank you very much. Congratulations to Buffy, and welcome to the Senedd.

The take-up so far has been incredibly high, with over 85 per cent of the adult population having taken up their offer of a first dose. But it's vitally important that vaccine take-up levels are maximised, and we're closely monitoring to make sure that there are no barriers to take-up.

Thank you, Minister. In my constituency, Rhondda, the majority of residents are attending their vaccine appointments, which is amazing news, but we have a higher than average number of no-shows, for a variety of reasons. I know Cwm Taf Morgannwg University Health Board are working with residents across our communities to delve into these reasons, trying to find them solutions. So, working with health boards across Wales, what plans does the Welsh Government have to increase vaccine uptake rates in challenging areas?

Thanks very much, and I know, Buffy, you will be a champion for your area, and you will know that it's very important for people in your area to take up that opportunity. The last thing we want to see are those disparities, in particular in perhaps the more challenging places economically. We don't want to see those being emphasised because of a low take-up of the vaccine. So, you're absolutely right, the Cwm Taf Morgannwg health board—they're taking very much a community-led and co-production approach to improving access, and I know that a task and finish group has been set up to address the gap in 40 to 49-year-olds in particular. That seems to be a place where there seems to be a problem. And I'm very pleased that a 'vaxi taxi' has been developed in the area to improve also access for black, Asian and minority ethnic groups. There's also an opportunity for people to use an online form so that they can change the date and time of their appointments if that's necessary. So, there's some great work being done, but if you could help us with trying to bang the drum in that area to get people to come forward for their vaccines, that would be a huge help.

Thank you, Minister, and the deputies.

The next item is the topical question. The question is to be asked to the Deputy Minister for Social Services, and be posed by Laura Jones.

Thank you, Presiding Officer, for this opportunity.

Care Inspectorate Wales was made aware of concerns relating to the service and undertook an inspection as a result. Areas for improvement have been brought to the providers' attention, but not in relation to restrictive practices. Investigations by Cardiff social services on safeguarding concerns are ongoing.

Thank you, Minister, for that statement. Some of our most vulnerable people in our society, children with autism, should be protected and cared for, not made to suffer in such vile circumstances as alleged in this case. There are some serious questions, and this must be now fully investigated by relevant authorities. There are a litany of shocking and troubling allegations against the staff at Tŷ Coryton, some of which I can't repeat, but on one occasion and most seriously, the restraint of a child was so badly managed that it provoked very serious concerns that that child might die. Whistleblowers report that all of these allegations were directly a result of staff interventions and point to a culture of mismanagement provoking challenging behaviour that falls way short of the high standards we expect for staff charged with such an important job. Are these allegations reflective of a systematic problem in Wales? Could other young children be suffering in similar ways? Action needs to be taken now, Minister, to resolve this.

I'm pleased to hear that the Minister will be publishing the long-awaited reducing restrictive practice framework, but this is far too late for these children's and, I fear, others. Can I impress upon her that that needs to be published now to prevent more young children suffering in this way? And can she also tell us what steps she's taking to provide advice and guidance for centres such as Tŷ Coryton, to ensure that they are providing a therapeutic environment as recommended by the British Institute of Learning Disabilities? Will the Minister also make sure that centres like this have the necessary resources that they need to ensure basic human decency and human rights can be maintained, such as providing sanitary items, a claim that was alleged that I found particularly disturbing?

I understand that the care inspectorate are about to publish a review into practices at Tŷ Coryton, but these alleged allegations certainly now call the veracity of that report into question. Is the Minister confident that these reports are conducted with sufficient rigour to highlight issues such as these, to ensure that they are addressed promptly? Will the centre and others owned by Orbis now be re-inspected to ensure that children in their care are properly protected?

Lastly, if there is a systematic issue here, what steps is the Minister taking to ensure that the culture of reporting exists in the care sector in Wales and to ensure that staff have the support network in place and are comfortable enough with that to raise concerns and these reports are taken seriously and acted on, rather than them having to resort to the media, as in this case? Thank you.

Thank you, Laura Anne Jones, for those comments, and I absolutely agree that the children we're talking about are some of the most vulnerable children who need care and support, and should not suffer. The Welsh Government is committed to those vulnerable children having the best standards of care possible.

As I said in my statement, these allegations are being investigated, so we're not in a position to make any comment yet, because an investigation is ongoing at the moment. But I can reiterate that the Welsh Government will be publishing the reducing restrictive practices framework, and that'll be in July—next month—2021. So, that's coming very soon, and that will promote measures to appropriately reduce restrictive practices in childcare, education, health and social care settings. And we will support work to promote implementation across all those sectors. And the guidance is intended to ensure that those who work with children and adults across services share a common framework of principles and expectations, informed by an approach that actively promotes human rights and person-centred support. There has been a consultation about the restrictive practices, and I'm looking forward to that being published in July 2021.

So, obviously, CIW does report regularly on these settings, including Tŷ Coryton. We do have a culture of encouraging whistleblowers, and I think it's very important that that is reiterated and that allegations that are made are taken very seriously. I can absolutely assure her that these allegations are being looked into very seriously. They're being looked into by Cardiff safeguarding scheme, and CIW is working very closely with the local authority, with the commissioning and safeguarding teams, and the service is now in Children's Commissioning Consortium Cymru's—known as '4Cs'—escalating concerns process. So that is the position at the moment, and Orbis is not admitting any further children to the service at the moment. But I don't think I can really go much further as this is all being investigated at the moment.

According to the reports, whistleblowers state that children were punished for engaging in autistic behaviour and the health and safety of staff and children were absolutely shocking, and young people were mismanaged, so behaved in challenging ways, which led to them being locked away. But this is symptomatic of so much of the casework that I have on behalf of autistic constituents and/or their families, where highly paid people in power, so-called experts, fail to understand their autism, fail to identify their communication, sensory and processing needs in order to communicate with them in an effective, respectful way and pushes them into crisis and then punishes them for not responding in a neurotypical or predominantly neurotypical way, affecting their care, their social care, their health services, access to housing, and many other things. How on earth are we finally going to tackle this endemic and deep-rooted problem raised so often through the cross-party autism group in previous Senedd terms without putting in place statutory duties for local authorities and health boards and giving autism and neurodevelopmental conditions in Wales a statutory identity at last?

Thank you, Mark, for those comments, and certainly the behaviour that he described at the beginning of his contribution, about children being punished for engaging in behaviour that is due to their autism, is certainly not acceptable. And I think that we have all, as constituency MSs, experienced the difficulties that families have in trying to get the best services for their children who are on the autistic spectrum. So, I think we all understand those difficulties. But, as I said in response to Laura, investigations are going on at the moment into this particular situation, and we will be able to see what happens as a result of those investigations.

Thank you, Deputy Minister.

The next item is the 90-second statements, the first of which is from Vikki Howells.

Diolch, Llywydd. Go back just a few weeks and class 143 trains, the Pacers, would have been part of that long list of temporary measures that never went away. The Pacers, described as a byword for commuter discomfort and chronic lateness, were introduced as a temporary replacement for older diesel trains. The Leyland bus body—yes, they really were made from old buses—bench seating and freight wagon chassis, built by British Rail in the 1980s never suggested that passenger comfort was the prime objective. Indeed, the nodding donkeys, as they were known, were an iniquitous part of the rail commuter experience in Wales and elsewhere in the UK since. However, on Saturday 29 May, Pacers made their final journeys on the Transport for Wales network. Transport for Wales have committed, of course, to deliver brand-new trains, providing enhanced capacity and faster, greener journeys. Key also is customer experience on the modern train, providing better facilities, improved accessibility, and a more comfortable ride.

Some Pacer trains will have new leases of life via donation to heritage railways and other community projects. But, as their journey on commuter passenger services comes to an end, it is important to remember the years of service that saw class 143s make the equivalent of over five trips to the moon and back. And if the Pacer could bid us a fond farewell, it would be of course with that unique and ear-piercing brake squeal so familiar to commuters across Wales.

Diolch. Rhianon Passmore.

Diolch, Deputy Presiding Officer. The constituency of Islwyn, which I represent, is made up of very strong communities of, in the main, working-class men and women, who continue to dream of a better tomorrow, even though our todays have never, ever been more challenging. So, that the Hollywood movie giants Warner Brothers Pictures recently portrayed Islwyn and Wales on the silver screen with the wonderful and iconic film Dream Horse, which premiered in sunny Blackwood—now playing across the UK at cinemas open—is a moment of both joy and excitement. And that positive portrayal of Wales in film, and the story of Jan and Brian Vokes and the syndicate who bred a Welsh Grand National-winning horse on an allotment in Cefn Fforest, has won great reviews. And it also adds to our home-made renaissance in Welsh film and television. So, if you're yet to see it, it is a positive tale of strong community spirit in Islwyn, with an A-list cast, including Oscar-nominated Toni Collette, in Wales, and our own Owen Teale. The production of the film utilised locations throughout south Wales, including Blaenavon.

Wales—well, we are a self-confident nation, and we grow globally when we tell in film and television and arts and literature, music and theatre those positive stories of our people and our communities, as Dream Horse portrays so very effectively. And that ability to utilise Welsh creative talent in front of and behind our cameras is so critical, and vital to our cultural and economic future. Wales, our people, and our hwyl are skilfully writ large in Dream Horse, and it exemplifies our spirit and our international future. So, the Welsh Government and our cultural agencies are right to heavily support and promote productions made in Wales that tell of Wales's story to the world and also promote the Welsh creative sectors post-COVID. Dream Horse powerfully illustrates that Cefn Fforest in Islwyn is a place where dreams still come true, and I do urge all Members to watch this exciting and innovative film. Thank you.

Thank you.

The next item is the Welsh Conservatives debate—motion under Standing Order 17.2 to give instructions to a relevant committee in relation to the all-Wales NVZ.

And before I call James Evans, I think this is the first full debate we've had in the sixth Senedd, so just a reminder of the timings, please—that you have 15 minutes to open and close, and each other speaker has five minutes, and the Minister has eight minutes. Let's keep to the times, because everyone has an opportunity to speak then.

I call on James Evans to move the motion.

Diolch—thank you. And I formally move the motion in the name of Darren Millar.

Across the farming communities in Wales, from the upland areas to the coastal regions and to my own area in the heart of Wales in Brecon and Radnorshire, our agricultural communities and our farmers work tirelessly to feed the nation and ensure the environment is protected and our landscapes managed in a sustainable way. To quote the National Farmers Union, farmers are all too often seen as the problem, when in reality they are the solution to our environmental challenges. The rural landscape is not just for farmers but for us all, for future generations, to encourage diversity, thriving ecosystems and wildlife. It is also vital for our economy to attract tourists, who bring much needed-revenue to local businesses and to our communities.

Our farmers play a huge role, producing food to feed the nation. Farmers are passionate about their land, committed to working towards the best practices, producing top-quality products with the highest standards of animal welfare and environmental protections. However, Welsh Government's agricultural policies over the years have shown contempt for farmers and our rural communities, promising one thing and then delivering another. The recent u-turn to introduce the all-Wales nitrate vulnerable zone is an example of such. The data from elsewhere in the world shows this policy to be ineffective and is a sledgehammer to crack a nut. Some areas of Wales have recorded no agricultural pollution incidents in 10 years, yet all farmers are being penalised.

Would he give way on that point?

There are no interventions at this point in time because we're hybrid—[Inaudible.]

Whilst one pollution incident is one too many, a blanket policy is hurting the industry at a time when they need support. The financial package of support provided from the Welsh Government is woefully inadequate, putting large cost burdens onto our farmers in order for them to adapt to these changes. Despite assurances—. On no less than between seven and 10 occasions, the Minister assured farmers this blanket approach would not be imposed during the pandemic. And in a blink of an eye, with no consultation with the industry, the Minister decided to plough ahead and break promises again.

All too often, agriculture gets blamed for increased nitrates in our rivers, and yet a Panorama investigation alleged that Welsh Water had been illegally dumping sewage into the River Usk in my constituency. This seems to get ignored. Recent data from Welsh Water itself also suggests that in 2020 raw sewage was dumped into Welsh rivers more than 100,000 times, for almost 900,000 hours, across more than 2,000 water treatment works and sewage outflows. Do we see any real action from Welsh Government over this? No, we don't. Furthermore, Welsh Government's own data suggests that between January and November 2020 the water industry accounted for the most pollution incidents relating to surface water in Wales, with 180 recorded during this period. But who still gets the blame for polluting our rivers? You've got it—it's farmers.

This Government claims climate change is a huge issue, and I don't disagree. Who would? But I'm afraid your track record on actually tackling climate change is questionable at best. You purchased an airport, at huge cost to the taxpayer, endorsing putting toxic fumes into the atmosphere, and then you went and spent millions of taxpayer money on a road to nowhere and refused to build the M4 relief road, ensuring that, every day, thousands of cars queue up in traffic jams along the M4, pumping poisonous toxins and carbon dioxide into the atmosphere. Yet again, you say one thing and then you do another.

Throughout the pandemic our farmers have fed the nation, ensuring essential supplies are available. And, rightfully so, we clapped our NHS and our carers. And instead of going out and clapping for our farmers, the Welsh Government seemed to think a slap in the face was far more appropriate. Our farmers deserve better than this from the Welsh Government, and from a Minister who, one time, I trusted to support the industry.

An all-Wales NVZ legislation is unacceptable. It has been described as a lazy cut and paste from a 30-year-old EU directive that places more pressure on already hard-pressed farmers who are dealing with COVID-19. It is harming agricultural businesses, livelihoods, and putting a huge mental strain on farmers yet again, and for very questionable benefits. Natural Resources Wales, Welsh Government's own regulator, warned you, and it's proposed in the new water rules, and I quote, that it will have a 'perverse outcome' of making water quality worse, and that they may not have sufficient resources to effectively deliver the regulatory inspection regimes associated with the regulations.

Before we move on to the next speaker, can I—? Huw Irranca-Davies reminded me that, in fact, in debates, interventions, at the moment, of course, as we normally would have intervened, are not the process, because there are so many Members who can't do so in the hybrid system. But Members are able to contact the desk here to inform us of their wish to make an intervention and we can call them at the end, before the final speaker. Just to put that clear. I appreciate the Member's desire to intervene—I've been there many times. [Interruption.] Okay.

I have selected the amendment to the motion. I call on the Minister for Rural Affairs and North Wales and the Trefnydd to move formally the amendment tabled in her name.

Formally.

Given that the NVZ regulations were rushed through the Senedd shortly before the last election, contrary to the pledge made by the Minister—and we've heard reference to this; she said that she wouldn't introduce regulations during the pandemic—I'm very grateful for this opportunity to recommence this important debate early in this new Senedd term. When I was campaigning in rural areas, particularly across Mid and West Wales, one of the issues that was raised most often, particularly by farmers, was this particular issue, because they were concerned about the impact of these regulations on them, as farmers, on the future of family farms, and, as a result, they were concerned about the very future of rural Wales.

Now, we've heard time and time again from the agricultural unions and others over the past months why these regulations, as they are currently drafted, are not acceptable. For example, the regulations contravene specialist recommendations made by NRW, as the intention is to implement them on an all-Wales basis, rather than to focus on the 8 per cent of areas that face the highest risks. Secondly, the method of calendar farming is likely to create unintended consequences, which will be damaging. You can imagine farmers pouring tonnes of this slurry just before the closing date and immediately after the window opens. And, thirdly, with the weather of Wales, farming by calendar doesn't make any sense. Let me give you an example. I live a field's width from the River Towy and some three weeks ago, where it was possible for farmers, according to the Welsh Government calendar, to spread slurry, the fields were flooded. So, operating by calendar simply doesn't work, given our climate here in Wales. And, finally, there is a lack of financial support provided by Government to assist farmers to cope with these new regulations. The £11 million provided is totally inadequate, and what will happen as a result is that many family farms will decide to leave the industry, and the impact of that on rural Wales will be utterly disastrous.

And we heard, during the debate prior to the election, the Minister arguing that she needed to highlight the importance of aligning Wales with other nations within the UK, but the truth of the matter is that not one other UK nation has decided to introduce regulations over 100 per cent of its territory. In England, they are operating at a level of around 55 per cent. But ironically now, England intends to move away from that plan. So, at the very time when other nations are changing direction, the Welsh Government is moving full pelt in the other direction.

Minister, we shouldn't look back at ideas that were being discussed about 30 years ago for a solution to water pollution. We have to look to the future by embracing technology to make far more accurate choices around land management. As you know, there are examples of innovative projects being carried out as we speak, where farmers and researchers are working together to devise a far more sophisticated way of putting nutrient management plans in place.

You will know that Gelli Aur college farm has recently completed a very successful pilot project, called, Taclo'r Tywi—tackling the Tywi—in a part of Wales that has notoriously been a black spot for river pollution, using weather stations on farms to measure soil temperature, leaf moisture, wind direction and rainfall. Now, this provides real-time data on a phone app within seconds, using a red, amber, green system that will allow farmers to make on-field decisions around slurry spreading, pesticide spraying or harvesting. This is far more scientific than farming by calendar, which is both impractical and outdated.

Minister, your Government has generally been praised by the people of Wales for the way in which you've tackled this pandemic because you followed the science as the basis for your decisions. So, I urge you to turn to the science and the technology currently available in order to secure that crucial balance between sustainable farming and safeguarding the environment. As we support this motion, it's important to note that we're not calling for no action. Every one of us wants to see the environment protected—me particularly, who has fished on the river Tywi for years—

Will you come to your conclusion now, please?

—I am coming to an end, Deputy Presiding Officer—and I know what an impact pollution can have on water quality. No, this is a demand for proportionate action from Government that is targeted with adequate financial support.

So, to conclude, Deputy Presiding Officer, I urge the Government to look again at the recommendations made by Natural Resources Wales to increase the area of the NVZ from 2 per cent to 8 per cent. And this is the very final paragraph: in working together to reach consensus, we can find a solution that will safeguard our environment and ensure a more secure future for our family farms, which are the backbone of the rural economy, for the years to come. Thank you very much.

Can I remind Members, as I said, five minutes? Because all you're doing is taking time off somebody else—it could be somebody from your own party, who may not be able to speak as a consequence of time going on. So, let's try and keep to time if we can, please.

I thank the Welsh Conservatives for tabling this motion. It affords an early opportunity for this Senedd to debate a critical topic, namely the health and future of our country's waterways. The motion asks us to note the adverse impact of a Government policy on Welsh agriculture. I do think somehow that that's pretty rich coming from a party that would sell Welsh farmers down the river for a free trade deal with Australia, and a party that's imposed £137 million UK budget cut on Welsh rural communities.

But I'll put that hypocrisy aside, because the salient point to argue today is that the all-Wales nitrate vulnerable zone will have no such adverse impact, and the standards in the regulations are in no way, in my opinion, excessive. Rather, they establish baseline standards for production in Wales that are comparable to the rest of the UK and also Europe. And that alignment will be critical to future trade, especially if Wales is to market brand-Wales produce based on sustainability.

We've heard again today why the regulations are urgently needed. Having represented Mid and West Wales since 2007, I have lost track of the number of incidents of serious river pollution from agriculture in that time. But I was still shocked to read the figures in black and white: nearly 3,000 substantiated agriculture-related pollution incidents in Wales since 2001; an average of 148 a year for the last 20 years; and more than three a week in the last three years alone. That is definitely not acceptable, that is definitely not sustainable, but it is entirely preventable, and it is our moral duty here to do something about that.

The evidence also clearly shows that this is a Wales-wide problem and it requires a bold, clear, national solution. 'The State of Natural Resources Report' for 2020 states that two thirds of our river water bodies failed to achieve good ecological status under the water framework directive classification. Evidence published by NRW in January on our nine river special areas of conservation identifies agriculture as a major contributor to pollutant levels in these nationally important waters that exceed legal limits. More than 60 per cent of protected rivers in Wales exceed phosphate pollution limits, so I think it's a bit disingenuous for Plaid Cymru Members to suggest that we can achieve the crucial environmental benefits they say they want to see just by tinkering around the fringes of this with voluntary and local regulations.

The truth of the matter is that unless we take urgent action to control pollution at source, it'll be too late to recover our river ecosystems. The all-Wales nitrate vulnerable zone regulation is a wholly proportionate tool that will help tackle the nature and climate emergency and thereby support sustainable farming both now and in the future.

Thank you, James Evans, Member of this Senedd, for leading on such an important debate and for securing cross-party support in opposition to the devastating Welsh Labour and Lib Dem NVZ regulations. I speak again to place on record my absolute opposition, and the adverse impact that the all-Wales nitrate vulnerable zone will have on Welsh agriculture. I also wish to call on the new Senedd committee responsible for agriculture and for water to urgently review these regulations.

As I have stated many times before, the regulatory impact assessment estimates that the upfront capital cost of this scheme could run to £360 million. That is £347 million more than the assistance being offered by the Welsh Government and is £99 million more than the latest total income from farming in Wales. Already, we are aware of some tenant farmers who are in crisis now with their landlords, and we know of banks unwilling to foot the bill, and the UK farming unions are now warning that the dairy industry is facing an extremely challenging year on the back of spiralling production costs and variable milk prices.

So, you will be unsurprised to learn that the extra costs of meeting water regulations are indeed making the situation much worse. In fact, a leading mental health farming charity warned that these regulations were likely to cause immense stress for farmers. Your own explanatory memorandum stated, and I quote:

'The potential negative impact of additional regulatory requirements on mental well-being, particularly where other economic or health challenges already exist, is also recognised.'

So, you actually do recognise the fact that this is going to cause mental ill health, and we've just had questions on mental health. It just doesn't make sense. Already I know of numerous farming families in Wales who invest every single penny back into their business, and now some of those are even contemplating closure. They are truly desperate.

This would also be devastating for our Welsh language. Forty-three per cent of agricultural workers speak Welsh, compared to 19 per cent of the general population. The 'Iaith y Pridd' report recommended that the Welsh Government operate by ensuring that policies support industries on our family farms. Questions do still have to be raised as to whether the regulations are in line with section 4 of the Well-being of Future Generations (Wales) Act 2015, and in particular the goal to have a Wales of vibrant culture and thriving Welsh language.

We must also ask you, Minister: why are you not even acting in the best interests of our environment? Many of our suckler cow herds, which make a vital contribution to biodiversity by managing some of our most important habitats, are now set to be lost, and NRW has warned that the new rules will have the perverse outcome of making water quality worse, thereby dispelling a lot of the points that Joyce Watson made. The NVZ is being introduced at a time when even NRW's executive director for evidence, policy and permitting has spoken of a steady decline in pollution incidents in the last two years. That is a clear downward trend that has been observed over the last three years, and in fact, huge areas of Wales have seen zero incidents in the last decade.

Jane Dodds.

Thank you very much, Deputy Presiding Officer, and thank you for the opportunity to make this speech.

Everyone wants an affordable, proportionate and environmentally sustainable and targeted approach to water pollution. Farmers particularly want this, but this legislation does not do that. It is not targeted, as the majority of farms across Wales have not recorded agricultural pollution. According to some experts, this is not suitable for 90 per cent of Welsh farming land. It is not proportionate and affordable, because farmers, again, cannot afford another demand for more expense to build storage, putting them in debt, as well as the extra bureaucratic pressures. Finally, this is not the right time to do this. We are hopefully emerging from COVID and farmers are now faced with a UK Conservative Government that has just sold them down the river on a trade deal with Australia. May I add that I applaud the First Minister for speaking against this? I hope the Welsh Conservatives listening this afternoon will use their voices to persuade their colleagues in Westminster to support British farmers, not let them down.

I have heard many farmers say that their cattle will have to go if these regulations are fully implemented. The consequences for biodiversity in Wales will be catastrophic if this happens. Cattle are much better than sheep for encouraging wildlife on grassland. The longer the grass cattle can cope with, the better; sheep can't. And it allows butterflies to complete their life-cycle and flowers to set seed. For wildlife, late-cut hay or haylage is ideal. Curlews want long grass, not land heavily grazed by sheep.

There is undoubtedly irresponsible spreading of slurry and poultry manure near watercourses, causing river pollution incidents. The gradual leaching of nitrate and phosphate into groundwater is a long-term problem, but there are other solutions. One is, for instance, to give Natural Resources Wales more money and powers to actually police pollution incidents and prosecute offenders. And by all means, there should be discussions with the bigger dairy farms about slurry-spreading best practice, and help financially with any improvements that don't put them further into debt.

To use a phrase that's been used this afternoon, this legislation is about using a hammer to crack a nut, and it's not something I can support. A sign of good government is to reflect, review and rethink. Look at the evidence again and let's have the targeted, effective and proportionate approach we all want to water pollution. I hope this Government will take this opportunity to do just that. Diolch yn fawr iawn.

Can I thank my colleague James for presenting the motion as he did and thank my colleagues across the Chamber for the support today? As others have mentioned, the NVZ blanket approach announced by the Welsh Government at the end of January 2021 has been met with disbelief and anger. To consider it to be an effective regulatory system that delivers for our environment and the Welsh economy is sadly misguided and an out-of-touch position for the Government to take. It's clear that the farming unions and, indeed, thousands of farmers across Wales view this approach in the same way. Their view and, indeed, my own is that the claimed benefits to water quality from this approach will be relatively insignificant and certainly dwarfed by the negative economic impacts that will result.

Each day, we are hearing of farming businesses considering calling it a day due to the additional investments needed to comply and the additional burden of heavy-handed regulations that are to be imposed. These things are just seen as a step too far and, in the majority of business minds, totally unnecessary. And that's not just rhetoric; that is fact. I talk to farmers regularly and this is a real consideration. Now is the time where the Welsh Government should, as a priority, be looking to ensure food security and not hitting farming businesses with this big metaphorical stick. We mustn't forget that farmers are the custodians of our wonderful countryside, and the mainstay of our local economy. They make Wales what it is. The Government should work with them and not against them.

Putting into law one of the most ineffective pieces of EU legislation was a massive mistake. We know that in 2018, the expert group chaired by NRW put forward 45 recommendations built on strong advice and guidance, focusing on voluntary approaches, investment, support and smart regulation, all aimed at improving water quality. But this was dismissed by the Welsh Government, even though supported by NRW, the Government's own regulator. No-one disagrees with the need for regulation, but it has to be proportionate and evidence based. The industry recognises the need to address issues when identified and will act voluntarily to deal with these things, but the Wales-wide NVZ approach is not the way forward as the wider economic and food-related consequences have not been considered properly.

Members, this new Senedd has a real opportunity ahead of it to rethink, to take stock. It doesn't have to carry on what happened before; this is a new Senedd with new people, new thoughts and new aspirations. I, too, support the motion to call on a relevant committee to urgently review this situation. I know there would be tremendous support from the industry, and other political parties, as we've seen here today, to find a better and more productive way forward that focuses on preserving family businesses whilst addressing water quality and striving for a sustainable rural economy, cemented in a desire to maintain high-quality food and water security. I urge you all to support this motion. Diolch yn fawr.

I'm very pleased that Plaid Cymru co-submitted this debate this afternoon and that this is a joint motion from the opposition parties, which does show how strongly feelings run on this issue. But from my perspective, of course, this is a motion laid in a positive sense and it begins a process of compromise. That's what the motion does. The Welsh Government, if I may say so, has responded constructively with their amendment, and I am surprised at the aggressive contributions we've heard so far. References to Cardiff Airport and trade deals with Australia miss the point. We don't need to pick a fight today; we need to start the process of finding a better solution to the problems of the NVZs.

Prior to the election, when myself and Plaid Cymru presented the motion to annul the new regulations, I said that I and my party would be willing to work with Government to look at alternative solutions to the problem of river pollution, if the Government were willing to step back. Now, the Government rejected that option at that time, and although it does appear that the Government is willing to refer this issue to the relevant committee of the Senedd, everyone needs to understand that supporting this motion or the amendment today wouldn't prevent the regulations from being implemented. We would all welcome the opportunity for a cross-party committee to evaluate the regulations in a way that hasn't happened so far, and to bring regulations forward so that the Government can consider those, but, of course, there would be no requirement on the Government to act on those recommendations. But as the Government amendment does allow referring this issue to a committee, I do assume from that that the Government would be open to changing the regulations or even to scrap them, if the case becomes clear in the work of the committee.

So, I want to hear three things from the Minister in her response to the debate this afternoon. I want the Minister to confirm that she and her officials would initially look seriously at any recommendations made by a committee; secondly, that she commits to do everything that she can to amend the regulations in light of those recommendations; and third, that she confirms that annulling the regulations is a possible option, following the work of the committee. Clearly, a strong case would need to be made for that, and I would assume that we would need to identify an alternative approach to tackling water pollution, but I want to hear from the Minister this afternoon that the option of scrapping these regulations is on the table, because that's the only thing that can prove to me that the Government is truly willing to consider this issue and that it is worth referring it to a committee of the Senedd.

I've taken part in past debates on the introduction of the Welsh Government's NVZ approach, so I'm largely going to use my time today to highlight the plight and example of one particular farming family and how these regulations will affect them. But for the purpose of clarity, I will repeat my long-standing views that these regulations should never have been introduced; they are unnecessary, disproportionate and devastating to the farming industry.

The Conservative motion has been put forward by my colleague James Evans, and as Llyr has pointed out, this motion today will not cancel those regulations, but I very much hope that there'll be support in this Chamber this afternoon for the start of a process that could ultimately lead to the scrapping and repealing of these appalling regulations.

I'd like to highlight the plight of one tenant farming family in my own constituency: Brian Jones, his wife, Susan, and son, Andrew. As farmers to Coed y Parc in Caersws, a 105-acre all-grassland farm, which is the home to an 85-strong closed dairy herd, they've been farming there since 1973 on a lifetime tenancy agreement. Brian Jones has put some comments together and I'm going to read what he's said.

These are his words: 'I've been milking cows my entire life, starting from when I was just 12 years old, and will mark my sixty-sixth year on dairy farming this year. It's what we do as a family. It's our life. We have never had a pollution incident here.' I'll say that again. 'From someone who's been farming on that farm for 66 years'—I hope Joyce Watson is listening as well—'we have never had a pollution incident here.' He goes on to say: 'NRW, through their own assessment, have confirmed there is no pollution here, but we still need to comply with these new regulations and carry out work at an eye-watering cost in the region of £70,000.' 'Who is going to pay for that?', Mr Jones asks. Perhaps Joyce Watson, who also represents him, could write to him and let him know, given Joyce's comments this afternoon.

He went on to say: 'The landlords have refused and the bank won't lend us the money to carry out the work on a property we don't own. I'm at my wit's end and fear that, in three years' time, we could well see the end of our family farming life here. I have no objection to a polluter-pays policy, but this is going to cripple the industry if nothing has changed. The Welsh Government must consider the financial implications of these regulations on small and medium-sized farm businesses and tenant farmers as a matter of urgency.'

I've heard views this afternoon, and I heard Joyce Watson's comments about hypocrisy, and I agree with Joyce: there is plenty of hypocrisy here from the Welsh Government. I was very pleased to hear Jane Dodds's views this afternoon—most of them, not all of them. It sounds like Jane is going to support this motion as well today, which I very much welcome. A lot of what Jane said was very well put together, I thought. But what Jane did say, talking about us as Welsh Conservatives, is that we have to use our voices to persuade our colleagues in Westminster on X, Y and Z. Well, I say this gently to Jane: it is a great shame that Jane could not use her voice to persuade the only Liberal Democrat Member here to vote against the repealing of the regulations at the back end of the last Senedd.

I call on the Minister for Rural Affairs and North Wales, and Trefnydd, Lesley Griffiths.

Thank you very much, Deputy Presiding Officer. Farming in Wales has a reputation with consumers for high production standards in relation to both animal welfare and protecting the environment. As the vast majority of land in Wales is managed by the agricultural sector, Wales's farmers play a vital role in safeguarding our shared natural heritage.

As a Government, we support the ambition of Welsh farmers to be the most climate and nature-friendly in the world, an ambition that will be given greater impetus by addressing the damage being caused by widespread agricultural pollution year after year. I fully recognise that many are farming to high environmental standards, but we must make more rapid progress on reducing pollution from agriculture across the whole industry and across the whole of Wales.

Despite the significant publicity these new regulations have attracted, and the restrictions on NRW's ability to investigate suspected incidences of pollution due to COVID-19, there have been 76 substantiated agricultural pollution incidents so far this year, which, on average, remain above three per week. This continued disregard for the negative impact on our environment and society is unacceptable.

Levels of pollution caused by nitrates, phosphorus and ammonia exceed critical thresholds across Wales, and reductions of greenhouse gas emissions from agriculture are needed to tackle the climate change emergency. These pollutants are detrimental to the quality of our environment, public health and economic development.

The control of agricultural pollution regulations, which are comparable to those in the rest of the UK and Europe, require the use of farming practices that are proven to deliver benefits to the environment and farm productivity. Many farmers understand the need for action and are already taking steps to maintain high environmental standards on their farms. Welsh farmers are more than capable of working to these baseline standards and many already exceed them.

Before the industry can claim to be the most climate and nature-friendly in the world, all of our farms must first adopt recognised good-practice standards of production. The regulations apply in a phased approach over a period of three years, providing farmers with time to adapt and improve, and we will continue to support them to do so.

A wide range of support tools continue to be delivered through the Farming Connect advisory service to help farm businesses tackle pollution issues and to support the implementation of the control of agricultural pollution regulations. With the support of Farming Connect, over 5,000 farm businesses have developed nutrient management, infrastructure and business plans, and over 2,500 farm businesses have attended Farming Connect events focused on the steps that they can take to reduce agricultural emissions.

There are no Members who have indicated that they wish to make an intervention, therefore I call on Samuel Kurtz to reply to the debate.

Diolch yn fawr, Dirprwy Lywydd. Firstly, I'd like to thank all speakers for participating in this afternoon's debate and bringing forward meaningful and insightful contributions. I'd also like to thank the Minister for her response and her positive discussions around the need for the committee to look at this, and I look forward to working with her on agricultural matters, and on rural affairs more generally, to help deliver a fairer, sustainable and more prosperous future for Welsh farmers.

Whilst I welcome that the Government has refrained from a delete-all approach to their amendment, it is disappointing that, when, as this motion has such cross-party support, they have still felt the need to table an amendment. Despite this, we will be abstaining on their amendment during voting time.

As this is a new Senedd term with a number of new faces here in the Chamber and on Zoom, it is only right that we look at these NVZ regulations once again, as the detrimental effect that this policy will have on the Welsh agricultural industry will impact us all, not just Members representing rural areas. Today's debate has highlighted the strength of feeling on this topic, not that the industry and those speaking against the NVZs are opposed to improving environmental standards, but quite the opposite. We believe that there is a better, more meaningful and constructive way forward that brings about the necessary improvements, but does so in a manner that avoids penalising those who are already doing the right thing. We also believe that there is a way forward that doesn't jeopardise the future of farms across Wales. I make reference to the story from Russell George regarding the farmer in his area: it's a story that will resonate with all of us who have spoken to farmers in our areas who understand the plight that this will cause, the difficulties that an NVZ policy will put on them financially and mentally. And for Joyce Watson to talk about hypocrisy, I would challenge her that hypocrisy is the Government to announce funding for a fantastic agricultural charity dealing with mental health, but yet, to bring forward legislation such as this, that their own report understands, provides such—[Interruption.]—provides such a negative effect on the mental health of young farmers across Wales.

It's also pleasing to hear Cefin Campbell mention and speak so positively on this. Cefin and I will know each other through hustings during the election period, and this was the only topic that you will be surprised to know that Cefin and I agreed on, but it's great to hear that we have got this cross-party support on this, and that shows just how important it is that we bring together a consensus on a policy that will affect all of Wales.

The proposal is to agree the motion without amendment. Does any Member object? [Objection.] Objection. I will defer voting under this item until voting time.

We will now suspend proceedings temporarily to allow changeovers in the Chamber. If you're leaving the Chamber, please do so promptly. The bell will be rung two minutes before proceedings restart.

So, all Members leaving the Chamber, please ensure you do so quietly, and ensure that you do leave so we can have the cleaning for the changeover.

The next item is a Plaid Cymru debate on the Senedd's powers, and I call on Rhys ab Owen to move the motion.

Thank you very much, Deputy Presiding Officer. Last month's Senedd elections gave a clear and powerful mandate for the devolution of substantial further powers to this place, to Cardiff.

It's fair to say that Wales is at a crossroads in our development as a political nation. Little did I think as a schoolboy watching the first proceedings of the National Assembly for Wales in 1999 that I would be standing here as a Member of the Senedd, a powerhouse Parliament with primary legislative and tax-raising powers. It has been a remarkable journey—or a process, as some have termed it. Despite Boris Johnson calling devolution a mistake, despite some over there on the Conservative benches flirting with the Abolish lot, this has been roundly rejected by the people of Wales in the ballot boxes. They have given us a strong endorsement for further powers. However, as the people of Wales have given us that unequivocal support, that's not good enough for the Conservatives, that's not good enough for the Westminster Government: they continue to undermine our very existence. Only over the weekend, we heard Boris Johnson instructing civil servants in Whitehall not to refer to Wales as a nation. Well, let me tell you: we are a nation, and we are here to stay. Your weak attempts to bolster the union will not work.

The Welsh Government was elected on a manifesto pledge to fight for radical constitutional change. Well, may I say there is nothing radical in your amendment today? One could easily believe that we'd gone back in time to the beginning of the fifth Senedd, as we look at your amendment.

During the election campaign, the First Minister said this:

'We need home rule for Wales, more powers, a position where devolution cannot be pulled back by a whim of a prime minister.'

Well, First Minister, well, Counsel General, today you have an opportunity to underpin those words with a proper plan based in statute. Now is the time to act, to deliver on the mandate of the people of Wales, to trigger the provision in the Government of Wales Act 2006 to seek further powers. Now is the time to turn the rhetoric of home rule into reality and deliver the stronger Wales and the stronger Senedd that the people of Wales are crying out for.

As we slowly make our way to a post-COVID future, it's important that we take this opportunity to build a better Wales. We can't go back to how things were in the past. From the ruins of the second world war, a Labour Government showed the way—they transformed Britain for the better. We today in Wales must think radically once again, but this time, that will happen in Wales, not in Britain.

The coronavirus pandemic has shown that, when Wales takes the lead in public health matters, it is usually far more effective than following Westminster's lead. The Welsh Government, you are rightly proud of your vaccine programme, but now we need to create a justice system that we can equally be proud of. We need to create a welfare system that protects the most vulnerable in our society. We need to create a social care that looks after our elderly and gives them the respect they deserve.

We must make legislation that is closely aligned to health and education and welfare services.

Should we really leave all these important matters to a party that wishes to slash the international aid budget? Really? Is that what we're asking the Welsh people to accept?

After over 20 years of devolution it makes no sense, does it, that justice is not devolved to this Senedd? If it's good enough for Scotland, if it's good enough for Northern Ireland, why isn't good enough for us here in Wales? Why don't we in this Senedd take responsibility for justice? But even if we put to one side that strange anomaly, that we have a legislature but we can't enact our laws, just imagine how much better our justice system could be here in Wales: justice would be better for victims, for offenders and for our communities. A better system is possible, but more than that, a better system is essential for the people of Wales.

Proper rehabilitation, an effective and compassionate victim charter and preventative work to sweep aside the root causes of crime. That's what our communities need. Sadly, all these principled aspirations will remain beyond our control until we have the means to make Welsh justice here in Wales. The Police, Crime, Sentencing and Courts Bill, currently taking its legislative journey through Westminster, is a perfect example of why we need to devolve justice here in Wales. The Bill's raft of significant changes, including new powers to restrict protest and expand stop and search, are certain to exasperate already inequalities within our criminal justice system. We all know that the Bill's stop-and-search measures will disproportionately impact black people.

There have been so many positive changes in our country as a result of protest, from the daughters of Rebecca to the Chartists, to Cymdeithas yr Iaith and, more recently, Black Lives Matter and Extinction Rebellion. There is a supermajority in our Senedd in favour of enhanced powers. This is the perfect opportunity for us to support that, to support the motion, so that the Senedd and the nation can stand shoulder to shoulder and demonstrate clearly to the Westminster Government what the will of the Welsh public is.

And I hope, as I watched the Senedd over 20 years ago, that there's a young person watching our debate today, and that that young person will one day become a Member of this place, but a Member of a Parliament that administers justice; a Parliament that has the powers to fight for all the people of Wales; a Parliament no longer reliant on the vagaries of the Westminster Government, and for me and my party, a Parliament that is wholly independent for our nation.

Our motion today focuses on the powers that we should be seeking, and doing so immediately; powers that there's broad support for and a consensus already available in this Chamber. We don't need another commission to discuss these, the support is already here. But more than that, we must also seek powers for the people of Wales to make decisions for themselves. Not the conversation that the Labour Party refers to in its amendment, but a real debate. We need to empower the people of Wales to decide their own future, and it shouldn't be reliant on Westminster as to what our future in Wales should be. We must have these powers, particularly if Westminster refuses our clear demand for self-government. Thank you.

I have selected the two amendments to the motion. If amendment 1 is agreed, amendment 2 will be deselected. I call on Darren Millar to move amendment 1, tabled in his name.

Diolch, Dirprwy Lywydd. I move the Welsh Conservative amendment and speak against the motion and the Government's amendment 2.

Can I first of all welcome the new Plaid Cymru spokesperson to his position and congratulate him on his appointment? I have to say that leading a debate for the first time in the Siambr can be a very nerve-wracking experience, but if he had any nerves he certainly didn't show them today. I can remember the very first debate that I led in this place: the fire alarm actually went off and the whole place was evacuated halfway through. I don't know whether that was as a result of the heat that I was generating in the Chamber, or whether someone was causing a bit of mischief outside, but it did make it all the more memorable. I look forward generally to jousting with you across the Chamber for many years to come.

Dirprwy Lywydd, Plaid Cymru had the opportunity to use their first opposition debate in the Senedd to look at a whole range of issues that are of critical importance to the people of Wales, but instead of choosing to focus on those other important issues like our health service, our schools, our economy, they have decided instead to start the new parliamentary term with a proposal that was overwhelmingly rejected at the recent Senedd elections, an election in which Plaid Cymru put to the people of Wales a pitch for more powers and another referendum with more constitutional chaos, and yet a referendum in which their share of the vote, unlike our share of the vote, went down. They went backwards. They lost ground. They didn't gain any ground as a result of that particular message that they put forward to the people of Wales, and that's because constitutional navel-gazing and constitutional chaos were rejected by the people of Wales on 6 May. And because of that, we must take this opportunity this afternoon in this Chamber to also reject this sort of power play as well.

That's why we make it absolutely clear in our amendment that we believe that there is no mandate whatsoever for the further devolution of significant powers to this Senedd. In contrast to the Plaid spokesperson, we believe that the pandemic and Brexit demonstrate very clearly why we don't need those extra powers because, Dirprwy Lywydd, the greatest tool that we have to rebuild a better Wales is the fact that Wales is an integral part of the United Kingdom. We only need to look at the past 18 months during the pandemic to see how Wales benefits from the current devolution settlement. We've had UK armed forced personnel that have been administering vaccines, that have driven ambulances across the length and breadth of Wales, when the NHS needed that extra support and faced that pressure. They've also flown in personal protective equipment from places such as the far east into the United Kingdom, when our NHS was on its knees and needed that support the most.

I call on the Counsel General and Minister for the Constitution to move formally amendment 2, tabled in the name of Lesley Griffiths.

I move it formally.

I'm going to take the temperature down a little bit. Three of the four political parties represented in this Senedd now broadly accept that the United Kingdom is not currently fit for purpose in respect of its UK-wide governance and its constitutional arrangements, and its relationships between democratic institutions. And in the previous Senedd, there was indeed at least one notable and distinguished Member of the Conservative benches, too, who accepted this and argued the case for reform to preserve the union. We wait to see if there are any Welsh Conservatives willing to pick up the mantle of David Melding in his cool and considered and astute analysis of the failings of the union and the dangers to the union of proceeding as we are, because the status quo is not an option. It is like running an old car until it falls to bits, without any maintenance, let alone upgrades. Ultimately, it rusts, it seizes and it falls apart. You either need to take proper care of that old jalopy or you scrap it and get something new.

Now, where three of the four parties represented here agree in their concerns, as reflected in the motions and amendments, their prognoses are quite different, from prophesying the end of the union to arguing for radical reform, hence the range of amendments to the main motion. I would say that the case for radical and urgent reform is simply now unarguable. This is not a political point; it is a pragmatic point. The current UK constitution, built around the traditional model of Westminster parliamentary sovereignty, is simply outmoded and inappropriate for today. It does not reflect the modern identity and the aspirations of the four nations, let alone the welcome re-emergence of the strong metropolitan and regional mayoralties in England.

So, what should a reformed union look like? Well, it must reflect the reality that this is a voluntary union of nations and regions, working together for mutual benefit, not an overcentralised system with a clear power imbalance. As a voluntary association of nations, it must also be ultimately open to any of its constituent parts, democratically, to choose to withdraw and walk away from the union, not to be simply bound to it forever, come hell or high water. And as a voluntary union, there should not only be respect between the constituent parts, but that respect should be reflected in the way in which the parts of the union collaborate and contest ideas and policies and visions for the whole of that union; where the constituent parts have an equal say in what the centre does and what it does not do; where the centre does not dictate, but it listens and it responds, and where the sum is greater than the parts because the nations and the regions feel, and indeed do have, a meaningful role in that union.

Can the Member conclude his contribution, please?

I will indeed—yet still collaborate for the greater mutual long-term benefit of the nations and regions of the UK and the UK as a whole.

Deputy Presiding Officer, this old jalopy may have more life in it yet, but we have to avoid the situation where we run it into the ground, or we crash it into a hedge. And that's my worry with the UK Government's current approach.

Our role as representatives of the people of Wales is to secure the best possible lives for the people of our nation; to do everything possible to create a prosperous, fair and just Wales, which cares for everyone who calls Wales their home. If we don't do this, then we don't deserve to sit in this Chamber, nor are we worthy of representing those communities that have placed their faith in us to serve them.

Since 2010, the UK Conservative Government has restructured our welfare system in a harsh and unjust manner. Although it has the resources to ensure that our poorest children and families don't go hungry and fall through the net of the welfare state, it's failing to do so. Along with that, we must look at the failure of the Welsh Government to eradicate child poverty by 2020. Now, Wales has the highest rate of child poverty of any nation in the UK, with one in three children living in poverty. It's a national scandal; a damning reflection of the impact of Conservative austerity and 20 years of the failure of Labour in Wales to do little more than manage poverty.

Since 2016, Scotland has had control over 11 welfare benefits and the ability to create new benefits within devolved policy areas. So the question is: why do we not have the powers here in Wales? Even if the Welsh Government is against the devolution of welfare in its entirety to Wales, the least that they can do today is start the process to ensure equality for Wales at the same level as Scotland. Public opinion favours that. Polls have demonstrated that a majority is in favour of the devolution of welfare powers to our Parliament. A cross-party committee of the previous Senedd, chaired by a Member of the Labour Party, was in favour of that too. Funding experts are also in favour of that. According to the Wales Governance Centre's department, devolving welfare to Wales as has happened in Scotland could provide £200 million to the Welsh Government. And it would have a real impact on the future of the most needy in our country.

So, why does the Labour Welsh Government continue to drag its feet on devolving powers that will make Wales better off? Why deny Wales a further powerful lever that would help tackle poverty? Why not act to help lift up our people? During the election campaign, the First Minister said he believed powers over welfare benefits and most taxes are

'better discharged at a UK level.'

Even if the result is the highest level of child poverty in the United Kingdom? It would seem that the First Minister's belief in the union trumps his belief in social equality. The First Minister is effectively saying that the children of Wales living in poverty must wait—they must wait for a change of Government in Westminster, even if that takes 10 or 15 years, or more. Welsh families in need can't afford to wait that long. If this Government truly aspires to ensure dignity, fairness and a decent life for all of our people, there can be no argument against securing the means to do so.

If providing dignity for our citizens is the baseline for the fair Wales we should all try to create, then the right to live free of persecution is also fundamental. Last year, after two years of delay, the UK Government announced its response to the consultation on reform of the Gender Recognition Act 2004. That flawed Act was supposed to allow trans people to receive legal recognition, but the bureaucratic, medical and expensive process prevented many from doing that. Despite the view of the majority of people who responded to the consultation on the Gender Recognition Act, the UK Government failed to secure a process that would assist trans people to live their daily lives with dignity.

We are currently celebrating Pride month, and as we do, we must reaffirm our commitment to the LGBT+ people of Wales that we respect their rights and will fight for their rights. If we devolve powers relating to the Gender Recognition Act to Wales, we could help ensure the right of trans people to live their lives as they wish, with dignity. It is disappointing, therefore, that the Welsh Labour Government have decided to remove this call from our motion with their amendment. This is despite Welsh Labour stating in their manifesto—

Would the Member conclude her contribution, please?

I will conclude.

I quote:

'We will also work to devolve the Gender Recognition Act and support our Trans community.'

We need these powers—we need them now. It's time to act on the mandate given to us by the people of Wales, and I'd urge all Members to vote for the motion today. Diolch yn fawr.

The recent Senedd election saw a poor turnout of 47 per cent across Wales. There is still widespread confusion about what powers the Senedd currently has control over, and a massive piece of work needs to be done to get people to engage with the process we have here and the work we do to improve the lives of the people of Wales. This is a challenge not just for us here, but for devolved Governments right across the United Kingdom: to try to increase public awareness and involve them in the electoral process.

This should be a top priority for this Senedd, but instead, Plaid Cymru, Labour and the Liberal Democrats are intent on playing constitutional games here in Wales, consistently working against the UK Government and not with them, accusing the UK Government and Prime Minister of the whole of the United Kingdom of threatening devolution. All you're doing is calling for further powers and reform to our great union. It's not wanted here in Wales. We are stronger together—a part of the United Kingdom.

Why would the people of Wales want us to have any control over any more powers, when the Welsh Labour Government aren't effectively running Wales with the powers they currently have? Education in Wales isn't performing as it should be, various health boards have been in special measures, you've got people waiting for cancer treatment, waiting list times are going up, major infrastructure projects have been cancelled or delayed and our business sector feel neglected, and all you want to talk about is further powers and creating constitutional chaos, when the only job we should be doing is focusing on recovery and focusing on improving the lives of the people of Wales.

So, what is the aim here? What is your obsession with more powers? To many outside this Cardiff Bay bubble, this looks like state-building towards an independent Wales, and from the last results just over a month ago, there is no desire in my constituency of Brecon and Radnorshire, or Conwy or any of these Conservative benches, and wider, for independence or referendums or any more powers to this Senedd. The people of my constituency and the whole of Wales just want us to get on with the job. So, this motion should be voted down today, and let's just get on with the job of representing the people of Wales and not creating more confusion than what there currently is. Diolch, Dirprwy Lywydd.

I'd like to focus my contribution to this debate on the need to devolve broadcasting. This is an area that is devolved in other devolved nations, such as the Basque Country and Catalunya, and the powers have been used for the benefit of their languages.

The cross-party committee of the Silk commission, set up by the British Government itself, together with an opinion poll conducted by YouGov in 2017, found that over 60 per cent of people in Wales were in favour of devolving broadcasting to Wales. Therefore, public support for this is unambiguous. However, the British Government has refused to implement the commission's recommendation to devolve to the Welsh Government the few million pounds collected from taxpayers to fund S4C. Is there any other country in the world where power over its main channel and public broadcaster is held by another country? The communications committee of the fifth Senedd said that it was an anomaly that the powers over S4C rested in London rather than in the country where the language heard through the channel's content is spoken. That has to change.

An increasing number of other bodies and organisations have also called on the British Government to go further, and they see the merits of the argument for the devolution of broadcasting in its entirety. The devolution of broadcasting would help people living here in Wales to better understand what's happening in their own country rather than receiving misinformation from the London media that fails to comprehend devolution. It's important, not only for the sake of our democracy ,but also, as the pandemic has shown, for the sake of our public health, that the people of Wales receive information that's relevant to their lives here in Wales. The devolution of broadcasting would also provide us with an opportunity to develop a diverse Welsh media that reflects the needs and interests of contemporary Wales. Local Welsh newspapers are dwindling, as are newspapers everywhere, and although BBC Radio 2 is the most listened to radio station here in Wales, Wales is very seldom mentioned.

The founding of S4C was a huge boost back in 1982—a tremendous boost to our nation, our identity and our culture—but much more is needed. We want to build on the success of S4C's existence in a very fragile political climate, where the survival of our own nation is under threat. Wales exists for everyone, whether they speak Welsh or not. S4C is wonderful, and as the mother of a small boy, Cyw has been a blessing, but we need more than just S4C to promote the self-esteem of our 3 million people and to promote the development of our nation as a whole. It's time for Wales to have a voice and for us as a people to have national conversations on improving how the country is governed. The devolution of broadcasting will be fundamental to that.

I welcome this opportunity to debate the devolution settlement. This is something we need to do. Can I make, initially, three general comments? Asymmetrical devolution does not work; Plaid Cymru appear to have a policy of salami-slicing to separatism, and we need a final, defined position on devolution to Wales, and, more importantly, within Wales.

I am and have long been a supporter of devo max, and also of devolution within Wales to both the four Welsh regions and to local authorities. Fifty years ago, local government controlled water and sewage, further education, higher education outside university and directly controlled schools. Prior to 1950, policing was controlled by local authorities. All those and more have been taken out of local authority control. I support devo max, a movement to symmetrical devolution, but that must include English regions. A model of England, Wales, Scotland and Northern Ireland cannot work; England is too big compared to the rest. Any model has to involve the English regions, not just England.

There are the obvious areas that need to be held centrally unless you have independence. They are things such as defence, foreign affairs, national security, currency, interest rates, overseas aid, immigration, driver and car licensing, central bank and national insurance numbers. Everything outside of the above should be able to be devolved, but doesn't necessarily need to be devolved. Devolution in Wales does not have to end in Cardiff. Devolution within Wales is possible to be given to the four regions in Wales, and also to local authorities. We've had far too much centralism in Cardiff. Taking police, security at Westminster, serious crime—. Taking policing—. Security at Westminster, I think, dealing with serious crime at Cardiff, but local policing returned to local authorities who know what is needed to keep their areas safe. There are those areas that we were discussing whether they should be devolved or centralized. State pension age and amount—should we have one for the United Kingdom, or should each jurisdiction set its own? How would that work with movement between England, Wales, Scotland and Northern Ireland, including people living in Wales and working in England, and the other way around? And many people, and I include myself in that, have worked in England for a short time. Should we have one unified social security system, or should the levels be set by each of the areas? Should there be UK taxes to pay for the centrally-funded items, with all other taxes devolved and collected locally? How will financial support from the wealthier to the poorer regions be organised and maintained?

Thank you to Plaid Cymru for bringing forward today's debate, the first one I've had an opportunity to speak in, and it's been an interesting and impassioned debate so far through this evening. I just thought it would be useful to share some of my own reflections on what I've heard so far and the item before us, of course.

The opening part of Plaid Cymru's motion is quite a bold claim, in that the

'sixth Senedd has a mandate for the devolution of significant further powers from Westminster to Wales.'

And what Plaid Cymru have failed to mention is, of course, the significant rejection of independence yet again at the latest set of elections. The people of Wales clearly know the strength of the United Kingdom and of us working together across that United Kingdom.

Plaid Cymru's second point seems again to completely disregard the powers that our Senedd already has over a vast array of areas, and it's clear that, more than ever, the Welsh people—the people of Wales—want a strong Senedd that works side-by-side with the UK Government, working together to achieve the best outcome for the people of Wales and, again, this was demonstrated in the referendum, as it were, last month at the elections, where residents came out and voted for parties who support building a stronger union across the United Kingdom.

On the third part of the motion today, my colleague Mr Millar eloquently described it as this rhetoric of a power grab that clearly is a myth and does not exist, because, as described earlier, the end of the transition period for the Brexit arrangements and the internal market Bill coming into play—that powers in at least 70 policy areas previously exercised at an EU level will come directly to here in the Senedd. Furthermore, none of the powers currently held by devolved administrations will be removed.

The final part of the motion, of course, from Plaid Cymru ends by outlining that they would seek further powers down here in the Senedd. But it's clear to me that the people of Wales—what they want is a strong recovery after a pandemic that we've all been having to grapple with, with jobs and the economy at the forefront of that.

Moving on to the Government's amendment, I was initially quite positive when I saw those words 'Delete all'—[Laughter.]—at the start of that amendment. But, unfortunately, I wasn't able to continue supporting the rest of what was described. In particular, I was disappointed that the Welsh Government continues to call for the devolution of policing and justice. Indeed, the Silk commission has estimated that it would cost around £100 million a year to create a separate Welsh jurisdiction, and I'm sure the people of Wales would be questioning why £100 million-worth of their money is being spent on a separate jurisdiction, when, actually, what they'd want is more police officers, a better probation service, more probation officers, as well as increasing capacity within our court and prison systems. So, that has to be questioned significantly.

Finally, Delyth Jewell.

Because I know she'll be succinct in her contribution.

Diolch, Dirprwy Lywydd.

What is the purpose of a power? Why have we in Plaid Cymru used our first debate of the sixth Senedd to talk about our legislature's remit? Well, a power is a vehicle. It proffers the ability to do something. It offers the capacity to change. In our motion, we set out wide-ranging areas where, if we do not gain these powers from Westminster, we will regress, because the powers have to exist somewhere and if they're not here, they will lie with Westminster. Westminster, which might shortly only boast 32 Welsh MPs, a 20 per cent decrease—a figure that I doubt is matched in any other example in the world in terms of loss of representation. Dirprwy Lywydd, when I was preparing for this debate, I found out that the last time that the number of Welsh MPs was changed to 32 was in 1832, the year of the Great Reform Act, when our seats increased to that number. Now, in 1831, the population of Wales was 904,312. Since then, our population has increased by over 248 per cent. And yet we will be left with the same level of representation as at the start. In 1832, they had to deal with rotten boroughs; today, we have to deal with rotten Boris.

If this Senedd does not hold the powers our motion sets out, those powers will not disappear. There is no vacuum. They will reside in Westminster, where there will be fewer MPs to scrutinise. We will have no power and no voice—a new era not of great reform, but of great regression.

One of the areas where we would like to see movement would be to devolve the Crown Estate. That would not only boost our economy, it would give us more control over the resources that would be so important for us to invest in as part of our green recovery and in the fight against climate change. Following the Scottish independence referendum in 2014, the Crown Estate was devolved to Scotland, but in Wales revenues continue to disappear to the Treasury and to Buckingham Palace, and that revenue is substantial. It is estimated that the Westminster Government could raise up to £9 billion over the next decade by auctioning offshore land to people who will develop sustainable energy sources. Wales is about to lose out on the green economic rent from our own resources.

And, turning to energy projects, we have consent for renewable energy schemes of up to 350 MW, but control over the grid infrastructure that distributes the electricity to our homes remains with Westminster. This clearly hinders Wales's ability to invest in major projects. The obvious example of this was the tidal lagoon in Swansea. Westminster was unwilling to support that project, so the project didn't happen.

And on the subject of reducing our infrastructure, what about the railways? Wales has 11 per cent of the railway track in these islands, but receives only 1 per cent of the investment. And while transport is a devolved area, rail infrastructure is not. What a mess, Llywydd, and this mess means that investment once again is not coming to the people of Wales. It also means that we are losing out on billions of pounds that we would have gained through Barnett as a result of HS2—money that we could have invested in our country.

Deputy Llywydd, I'll just conclude by saying that this debate is supposed to be about creating opportunities, opening up spaces, not shutting things down as the Tories want to do, evidently. It's so disappointing also that the Government has started a new term by using the same old trick of 'delete all' on our motion. We will need more ambition than that.

I call on the Counsel General and Minister for the Constitution, Mick Antoniw.

Thank you, Dirprwy Lywydd, and I'm grateful for the opportunity to participate in this debate today. It's our first opportunity since the Senedd elections to consider some of the serious constitutional challenges facing Wales and the rest of the UK, and I am indeed grateful to Plaid Cymru for choosing to table this motion as one of their first debates of this sixth Senedd. It is likely to be the first of many such debates. In the last Senedd, as Chair of the Constitutional and Legislative Affairs Committee, I recall introducing a report on constitutional reform, and I prefaced my introduction by saying it was probably one of the most boring reports Members would ever have to read, but, equally so, one of the most important, and I haven't changed my view. So, those who say that these constitutional issues are not important are fundamentally wrong, because they go to the heart of our democracy—they define what we can and cannot do, the extent to which we can make decisions on the issues that are important to the people of Wales, our ability to improve prosperity and to take decisions that will improve the quality of life of the people of Wales, and that is why we are here and that is why this Welsh Parliament exists and is so important to our future and indeed to that of the United Kingdom.

Now, whilst I will not be supporting the Plaid Cymru motion in the form it has been tabled, it is clear that there is a lot of common ground on the mandate for reform and on the areas that we are in long-standing agreement need to be devolved if we are to be able to deliver on our promises to the people of Wales. The Conservative amendment I have to say is disappointing in the extreme; it is sadly indicative of a party that is in denial. In my opinion, there is a clear and undeniable mandate for reform. The mandate for this Government couldn't be clearer: as our manifesto set out, we will work for a new and successful United Kingdom based on a far-reaching federalism. We want to foster a national civic conversation in Wales about our future. We will establish an independent standing commission to consider the constitutional future of Wales.

Now, returning to the Conservative amendment, on point 2, it is right to say that there has been and continues to be constructive inter-governmental work to deliver the common frameworks programme on a collaborative basis. However, we cannot talk about frameworks without highlighting the assault on devolution contained in some of the provisions of the UK internal market Act.

No additional Members have indicated that they wish to make an intervention, so I call on Rhys ab Owen to reply to the debate.

Thank you very much, Deputy Presiding Officer. May I first of all thank Darren Millar for his kind words?

It's a shame that he didn't stop after the kind words. Darren Millar mentioned that, in his maiden speech in 2007, the fire alarms went off—well, Darren, I'm sure that the alarm bells are going off in the union unit in Downing Street, because Wales is on the march and constitutional change will happen, whether you like it or not.

And let's hope that day comes quickly that we will have on the Conservative benches once again people who are willing to consider great constitutional issues, such as David Melding, Nick Bourne and Lisa Francis.

Huw Irranca-Davies—I'm very pleased to hear you mention radical reform.

I was pleased to hear you talk about the relationship of equals. If so, why can't we state now the powers we want? We have the consensus. Why can't we start the process now? You say, by the way, that independence was rejected in the ballot paper. You should have a word with the Welsh Labour for indy lot about that, and the Wales Governance Centre, which had over 40 per cent of independence supporters voting for the Labour Party in the last election.

Sioned Williams told us that we don't want power for power's sake. This isn't some ego boost for the Senedd. We want powers in order to improve the lives of the people of Wales. Why shouldn't we devolve welfare to the same level as Scotland? Why can't we have consensus on this now? Why can't we ask for this now? The children of Wales, as Sioned Williams said, should not have to wait any longer for that.

They shouldn't be expected to wait to come out of poverty.

James Evans—confusion about devolution. Well, it doesn't help that policing and justice isn't devolved in Wales, but it is everywhere else in the United Kingdom—policing devolved in Manchester, policing devolved in London. You're creating—you're creating—the confusion. And Heledd Fychan, my colleague, was completely right in saying devolving broadcasting would help to deal with the confusion that you mention. If you asked the majority of people out there on the streets, 'Who funds S4C?', the majority would tell you it's funded here in Cardiff Bay, but it's not, is it? It's in Westminster. You are creating that confusion, and I won't take any lessons from the Conservative Party about constitutional chaos, as you mentioned, James Evans. Just you ask the people of Northern Ireland about constitutional chaos today, about what you have done with Brexit.

Mike Hedges, I'm glad you support—[Interruption.] I'm glad you support devo—[Interruption.] And Northern Ireland did, and you're causing chaos there. I'm glad that Mike Hedges supports devo max, and I'm glad that there's obvious cross-party support, even from the Conservatives, to decentralise power. I'm glad to hear that we can continue working with that to decentralise power from London, and from Cardiff.

Devolution of justice—Sam Rowlands mentioned devolution of justice, that it won't help anyone. Well, you're ignoring expert after expert. You're ignoring the former Lord Chief Justice, an independent review that said that justice would be better served here in Cardiff Bay, that the people of Wales would be better served with justice being here. I know the Conservative Party enjoys ignoring experts, but you can't just continue ignoring the Silk commission, the Thomas commission, just using the same old boring argument over and over again.

You mentioned furlough, about the UK Government support. Well, you weren't supporting Welsh workers in the first firebreak when the Welsh Government did that. You only gave us furlough when the south-east of England was going into lockdown.

Delyth Jewell—power is a vehicle to do something. Again, my point: we're not asking for devolution for devolution's sake—we're asking for devolution to improve the lives of the people of Wales. Thirty two Welsh MPs soon, as Delyth Jewell reminded us. Our voice will get lost. We're an afterthought at best in Westminster; we'll get lost altogether now. Boris Johnson today didn't even know that Wales was going to play in the Euros on Saturday. That's the level of understanding we have in Westminster.

And in terms of the Crown Estate—as Delyth mentioned, another example of Wales being failed time and time again. And the tidal lagoon supported by the Conservatives for a while, and then that disappeared too.

Counsel General, may I congratulate you on your appointment? I know of the work that you've been doing in promoting devolution since the 1970s, and I know about your aspiration to have a more radical and federal UK.

It is a real shame—you mentioned there is common ground—it's a real shame when we had our first opportunity to work together that Labour fell back again and said just 'delete all'. We have an opportunity here to get that far-reaching federalism. Why can't we say now what we want? It's nothing new. Keir Hardie was mentioning it back at the beginning of the last century and, to him—to him, to Keir Hardie—home rule meant the same level as Canada, New Zealand, and so there's nothing new. Why can't we state clearly now, 'These are the powers we need for the people of Wales'? Why are we kicking things into the long grass once again? We don't need another commission to deal with matters where there is consensus.

May I urge Members therefore to support the Plaid Cymru motion today—support the Plaid Cymru motion—for a stronger Senedd and a stronger Wales, so that our Senedd can be empowered to deliver for all of the people of Wales? Diolch yn fawr.

The proposal is to agree the motion without amendment. Does any Member object? [Objection.] Objection, and I will defer voting under this item until voting time.

And, in accordance with Standing Order 12.18, I will suspend the meeting before proceeding to voting time.

We've now reached voting time and therefore we'll now undertake the votes. The first set of votes will be on the Welsh Conservatives' debate this afternoon, which was a motion under Standing Order 17.2 to give instructions to a relevant committee in relation to the all-Wales NVZ. I call for a vote on the motion, tabled in the name of Darren Millar. If the proposal is not agreed, we will vote on the amendments tabled to the motion. Open the vote. Close the vote. The result is: in favour 29, no abstentions, against 29. And therefore, as required by Standing Order 6.20, I exercise my casting vote.

Just for new Members to understand everything, I'll just give you this little read to clarify everything, okay? Where there's an equality of votes, the casting vote must be given in accordance with Standing Order 6.20. In most cases, this will result in the casting vote being used to defeat a motion and always to defeat an amendment. The casting vote is used in favour of a motion if its acceptance would result in further consideration of that matter by the Senedd. The only examples of it being used in this way are in votes on Bills where further discussion before the Senedd is possible at the following stages of the Bill.

Today's motion is in two parts: the first is to note a position on a policy and the second, an instruction to a committee under Standing Order 17.2. The first part of the motion would without question give rise to a casting vote against the motion, since there is no majority for a decision and the matter of further discussion does not arise. In the second part of the motion, the matter before the Senedd is very specific: does the Senedd wish to give an instruction to a committee or not? This also gives rise to a casting vote against the motion, since no further discussion is possible on that question. This also preserves the principle that the Senedd should not take decisions without majority support. A casting vote against the motion does not prevent the relevant committee, once it's established, from holding such discussions as it wishes. Neither does it prevent the Senedd from discussing NVZs again in Plenary. And therefore, I'll be casting my vote against the motion on this occasion.

So, now the voting is: in favour 29, no abstentions, and against 30. Therefore, the motion is not agreed.

And therefore, I now call for a vote on amendment 1, tabled in the name of Lesley Griffiths. Open the vote. Close the vote. In favour 29, 29 abstentions, none against. Therefore, amendment 1 is agreed.

I now call for a vote on the motion as amended.

Open the vote. In favour 58, no abstentions, none against. Therefore, the motion as amended is agreed.

We now move on to the vote on the Plaid Cymru debate on the Senedd's powers. I call for a vote on the motion tabled in the name of Siân Gwenllian, and if the proposal is not agreed, we will vote on the amendments tabled to the motion. Open the vote. The result is: in favour 12, no abstentions, 46 against. Therefore, the motion is not agreed.

We move on to a vote on the amendments. If amendment 1 is agreed, amendment 2 will be deselected. I now call for a vote on amendment 1, tabled in the name of Darren Millar. Open the vote. The result: in favour 16, no abstentions, 42 against, therefore amendment 1 is not agreed.

We now vote on amendment 2. I call for a vote on amendment 2, tabled in the name of Lesley Griffiths. Open the vote. Close the vote. In favour 30, no abstentions, against 28, therefore amendment 2 is agreed.

I therefore now call for a vote on the motion as amended.

Open the vote. The result is 30 in favour, no abstentions, 28 against, therefore the motion as amended is agreed.

That concludes the voting for today.

We now move on.

The short debate.

I move to today's short debate, and I call on Delyth Jewell to speak on the topic she has chosen. Delyth Jewell.

Diolch, Dirprwy Lywydd. Climate change is the single most pressing crisis facing our civilisation and our planet. That is an inescapable fact, and so too are the impacts of climate change that are already taking a damaging toll on the mental health of people everywhere, from heat waves that are increasing suicide rates to floods and wildfires that traumatise the people affected, leaving stress, anxiety and depression in their wake. But an issue I’d like to focus this short debate on is the consequence of how we frame climate change and the ecological crisis, how we talk about it, particularly with children and young people, and the ways in which focusing on devastation alone can lead to despair.

In 2019, I visited a young people's after-school club in Monmouthshire, and as we were talking about different political issues, one very young child said that every time he saw reports about climate change on the news, it made him feel scared. And the others were nodding in agreement—lots of them had felt this same fear. So, we talked about the things that we can do to cope with anxiety, to share our feelings, and we also talked about some of the practical things we can do to tackle climate change—they’d already been working on a project to do with recycling.

But that conversation had a big impact on me, because I think we’ve all become so used to the kind of shocking images that tend to accompany these reports: the upwardly spiralling graphs, facts and figures that flash on the screen, images of drowned villages, devastated crops, animals dying. Now, I would not for a moment wish us to downplay the severity of the crisis that faces us, but rather, I’d argue we should reframe the way we talk about climate change, to focus on giving people a sense of agency in responding to the emergency. Because if we empower people, if we give them tools to be active in the fight against the climate and ecological crises, to contribute to activities at a local level, to enable democratic participation in environmental decision making, and yes, if we ensure children and young people are given a comprehensive education on climate change, we can mitigate the risks I’m setting out.

Why? Well, herein the crux of my argument, the paradox that sits at the centre of this debate: if we don’t take this action, people can be become so worried that they’re less likely to do something about it. That is, if we think of climate change in ways that are overwhelming, we will allow it to overwhelm us. People will either become desensitised to the devastation that they'll put it out of their minds, or they will be left so paralysed by anxiety that they will believe nothing can be done to halt it. Hopelessness can lead to hesitancy, and so a feeling of disempowerment could lead to our worst nightmares being realised.

Now, climate or eco anxiety isn’t yet a clinical diagnosis, but it is a recognised term that’s used to talk about negative emotions associated with the perception of climate change. This can manifest itself through panic attacks, insomnia and obsessive thinking. It can exacerbate other anxiety disorders and depression. But research is scarce and is deeply needed into this area, because it most keenly affects young people—the generation who will bear the brunt of this crisis. And, for many, it is like a kind of grief.

So, what can be done now by the Welsh Government to address this? I’d like to see action in a few areas. Firstly, I would like to see funding and support for programmes that focus on direct and collective action against climate change, because acting proactively allows people to become agents of change and to lessen the emotional toll and the sense of powerlessness. It can help people to achieve tangible changes in their own communities, from tree planting to litter picks, and from cleaning rivers to the provision of community assets like green spaces that can be managed and used for allotments and food share schemes. These types of projects reap benefits for the community and for the environment. But studies also show that collective action on climate change reduces feelings of loneliness; it allows people to share the burden, it propels people into a sense of solidarity, of unity, of hope.

We should be involving people in decision making about the environment through participatory budgeting and citizens’ assemblies, which allow people a stake and an insight into what’s being done, but I would also like to see changes in the curriculum. In the last Senedd, my colleague Llyr Gruffydd put forward amendments to the curriculum Bill, which he worked on with the Teach the Future campaign. They sought to see robust climate change education in the new curriculum, and not just in science and maths, but the social sciences, citizenship, performing arts, literature, languages, health and well-being.

Now, I want to continue pushing for these changes, and there are really exciting projects already under way to try to begin to grapple with this reframing that I’ve mentioned—projects like Cynnal Cymru, which has partnered with the Carbon Literacy Project, and they seek to try and face the challenges of the seemingly overwhelming topic. Their trainer, Rhodri Thomas, has written about this as a learning methodology that allows people to engage with the huge, complex and frightening reality of climate change, and break the challenge down into manageable personal and organisational responses. It teaches, he said, an awareness of the carbon dioxide costs and impacts of everyday activities, and, crucially, the ability to reduce emissions on an individual, community and organisational basis.

Diolch. Heledd Fychan.

Thank you, Deputy Presiding Officer, and thank you, Delyth, for raising this hugely important issue.

In 2020, I witnessed first-hand the devastating impact of climate change and flooding on my own community of Pontypridd. One reason I have campaigned so passionately for an independent inquiry into the floods is because no statutory report looks into the impact on health and well-being. I'd like to use the remaining time to share with you the words of one of the victims of the floods, which encapsulate why this is an issue we must address, and ensure greater support for at-risk communities:

'I honestly feel like this experience has pushed me to the brink. It’s been one of the worst things I’ve ever experienced and still affects me every day in some way...thinking back to it all I've cried. I had 6 weeks off work with stress, I can’t sleep or relax when it’s raining badly. I don’t know if I’ll ever be the same again, I’ve spoken to many neighbours who all agree it’s like we have PTSD. The mental and emotional stress of the whole situation has absolutely shocked me, I’ve always regarded myself as a very strong person but this almost broke me.... They need to protect us before they take more of us and more from us than they already have, we can’t survive another instance like this.'

I think one important thing to mention when we talk about mental health and the climate emergency—and, of course, I’m very grateful to Delyth for bringing this short debate forward—is, of course, job security. Tackling climate change has to be a priority, and that, for me, is where the idea of a just transition comes in. It means moving our economy to a more sustainable one, in a way that's fair for all workers, no matter what industry they work in. Many people's livelihoods and wider communities are tied to the polluting industries like steel, oil, and factories more generally, and some of these industries are going to have to drastically change—some shrink and others potentially disappear entirely—which will ultimately change the lives of workers and their communities for generations to come. And let's remember, of course, that we've seen the impact of an unjust transition through the closure of the pits by Thatcher, for example, the effects of which we're still dealing with today. So, one thing I think will go a long way is the establishment of a just transition commission, similar to Scotland, to oversee the changes the Government make with regard to the shift to net zero, to ensure no-one is left behind, no matter what industry they work in. I'd hope the Government would agree with me on this.

Thank you. I call on the Minister for Climate Change to reply to the debate—Julie James.

Diolch, Dirprwy Lywydd. I’d like to thank Delyth Jewell for highlighting such an important issue so early on in the Senedd term. I'm obviously really delighted; it's the first time I've spoken in this Senedd, and certainly the first time I've spoken as the new Minister for Climate Change, and I’d certainly like to thank her for giving us this early opportunity to have a decent first stab at what will be, I'm sure, a recurring theme all the way through this Senedd.

I actually had the real privilege of speaking at a youth ocean and climate summit yesterday. It was really nice to listen to the young people there. They did report all of the things that people have highlighted in their contributions today: a feeling of almost despair and the enormity of the task and so on. But what was really refreshing in the group of young people—they were all between 16 and 30; most of them were in the 16 end of the category, a few a little older—was their real sense of hope and ability as long as they're given the tools to do the job and they are listened to by the Governments that hold the levers of power. It was a real privilege to speak to them and to understand the dichotomy, I suppose, between those two senses of, 'It's overwhelming, it's too big for me', but also, 'Actually, I can make a real difference in my small way in my community and in a bigger way in my nation', and so on. So, that was really great.

The biggest thing they said to us was that they wanted decision makers to listen to them, and so I'm really pleased to say that one of the first things we are doing here in Wales is listening, with a determination to act. So, the First Minister has been really clear that our focus now must be on recovery from the pandemic, but also recovery from the devastation of climate change, building a stronger, greener and fairer Wales—a Wales where no-one is held back and no-one is left behind. We're absolutely committed to that vision and nowhere more so than tackling the situation with both climate change and mental health in Wales.

So, mental health, in the new Government, is now being championed by my colleague and friend Lynne Neagle, who I can see is listening carefully to the debate as well. Her responsibilities are also holistic, so they unite service provision across mental health issues, alongside looking at contributory factors such as problem gambling, substance misuse, the experiences of armed forces veterans and homelessness and so on. And that holistic approach shows the importance that we place on the mental well-being of people in Wales. Already Lynne and I have had an opportunity to work together on some of those issues and you'll all know that Lynne championed those issues in the fifth Senedd, where she so ably chaired the committee looking at this. So, I'm delighted to have the opportunity to work with her on a range of these issues as well. We have invested a further £42 million in mental health services this year, expanding support for anxiety and depression through more online and telephone-based support as well.

So, there are lots of factors affecting mental health inside my new portfolio. There are also lots of factors that will allow us to alleviate some of the concerns that people have. I'm not going to be able to cover them all in my contribution today, but I look forward to exploring them with all of you in greater depth as we take this forward. Many of you who I can see participating in the debate will be familiar with the conversations we've had in the housing sphere around homelessness, the need for an adequate home, the need to build place and community in order to enhance people's well-being and their sense of engaged connectiveness across Wales. That's certainly something we want to do. We also, of course, want to enable people to contribute to the greatest problem we have faced—even in the pandemic it was the greatest problem we have faced—which is reversing the climate destruction of our planet and enhancing its biodiversity.

So, I absolutely want to reassure everyone in Wales that we understand all of those things; we do get where they are coming from. It's where we are coming from, and it's why I am doing this job, in fact, and the jobs I did before I was privileged enough to be elected. So, we're very keen to support the many activities that provide opportunities for young people in particular to contribute to tackling climate change and a space to have their voices heard. We are grant funding environment education programmes—Eco-Schools, the Size of Wales, just as some small examples—to continue to work with children and young people to encourage discussion and validation of feelings and anxieties linked to the environmental concerns, as well as the necessary courses of action that they can take to make themselves engaged and feel that they are doing something to contribute to the size of the problem that faces us. Let's be clear: we have a big task ahead of us—an achievable task if we all pull together to do it, but a big task. So, just as a small indication of the size of the task, for decarbonisation alone—that's leaving aside the biodiversity and all the other issues—we must do in the next 10 years what we did in the last 30 to get to our next target. So, it's a big ask. We can do it, but it's a big ask. And we must take the people of Wales with us as we do that. So, we're absolutely committed to listening and supporting everyone's fears and anxieties, but also their contributions to how to do that—how can they make the small changes, big changes in their lives that will actually enhance their lives and that look like, perhaps, downsides at first, but actually they will end up enhancing their lives?

But we have it demonstrated in front of us that active travel, the ability to use our streets as more than just a place to put your car, really does improve physical and mental health. Increasing woodlands, biodiversity and access to the natural environment absolutely has a beneficial effect on mental health, and if you feel that you are able to improve your natural environment, it has an even greater effect on increasing mental health.

One of the things I'm just going to sneak in as a personal experience here is: some of you will know that I had breast cancer early on in my political career, and I went to the Maggie's centre in Swansea quite a lot; it was really helpful there. What they have, of course, is a garden woodland outside them, and you are able to work on that garden and woodland and enhance it, and it really does make you feel better; there's absolutely no doubt about it. Even facing some big personal challenges it can make you feel better. It also helps men to talk to each other when they're doing gardening as well, which I thought was an added benefit; the Men's Sheds movement was part of that. So, all of these things really do make a difference.

We will have multiple benefits from those things as well. It improves people's mental health and well-being, but also, getting people out of cars for short journeys, travelling in a way which improves their health, is ambitious. We've all had a love affair with the car over the twentieth and beginning of the twenty-first centuries, but we all know that it produces multiple benefits—cleaner air, less congested roads, improved mental well-being, busier local shops. So, our ambitious agenda to make sure that we have 30 per cent of people working remotely—and that doesn't mean just from home; that means in their local communities, in hubs and so on—will really help a whole series of agendas there.

We've seen projects delivering sustainable models for health and well-being. There are walking groups, for example in the Pembrokeshire Coast National Park Authority's west Wales Let's Walk initiative. I know some of you have been involved in that and are participating in the debate. There's work with GP practices and other community settings across Wales, making sure that the medical practice has—I'm reluctant to use the term 'social prescribing', but is engaged with making people connected to their local communities and access to the countryside as part of the well-being initiative. The Outdoor Partnership's Opening Doors to the Outdoors project, for example, brings together health professionals with outdoor activities experts to increase physical activity levels, improve mental and physical health, linking local community clubs with mental health teams, enabling patients to lead independent, long-term active lifestyles because of their greater connection to their community and the natural world that surrounds them.

Thank you, Minister. That brings today's proceedings to a close. Thank you very much.